AMERICAN SLAVERY.*

WE are not ashamed to avow that we approach the subject of American Slavery with that diffidence and hesitation which long observation of a difficult, a complicated and an exciting question is calculated to inspire. At the same time, we cannot deny that a period is arrived when we should be negligent of our duty as public journalists, and unfaithful to the claims of that religious body with which we are connected in this country, and with which we sympathize in America, were we longer to delay offering the topic to the calm and unprejudiced consideration of our readers.

Those accustomed to the regular perusal of the Christian Reformer will be aware that we have not been in the habit of bestowing unqualified approbation upon the proceedings of those, either in England or in the United States, who have engaged in the important object of putting an end to Slavery. We believe that some of our friends have even suspected us of indifference upon the subject. To the sinfulness of Slavery, under every aspect, we have ever borne our most decided testimony; but we confess to frequent misgivings as to the prudence of the course pursued by professed Abolitionists. Indeed, we have had occasion formerly to protest against some of the means adopted for exciting Anti-Slavery zeal, when the contest was going on for emancipating the Slaves in the West Indies, as we never could countenance the system, too often adopted, of over-stating the evils of Slavery as existing in our colonies, and of representing extraordinary instances of suffering from cruel treatment, as the habitual condition of our Negro population; and as respects America, it was impossible to read the violent, we may say abusive, language of the Abolitionists,-not only towards those who were favourable to the continuance of Slavery, but even against Anti-Slavery Societies with whom they differed upon the measures to be adopted,-without entertaining serious doubts whether the great purpose of their aims was not as likely to be retarded as promoted by the intolerance and uncharitableness with which they pursued it. Nor can we deny that the intercourse we occasionally had the happiness to enjoy with enlightened Americans, both lay and clerical, tended to make us doubt the practical good that was likely to result from the uncompromising conduct of those who took a prominent rank among the Abolitionists of the United States. On the other hand, a perusal of the Life of the amiable Dr. Follen, and the powerful appeal of the inestimable Channing in favour of the Slave, were sufficient to convince us that all was not being done that ought to be done in America, to forward the downfal of the unchristian institution of Slavery.

While, therefore, we retain the belief that, both in this country and in the United States, the language of the Abolitionists has been of so intemperate a character as to repel from their ranks many who would otherwise have joined them, and to have retarded the progress of their cause, we do not desire to deprecate the suspicion that we may have been deterred beyond what was reasonable from taking a more decided part in the controversy. We much, however, mistake the increase of

* A Brief Notice of American Slavery and the Abolition Movement. Pp. 40. Bristol-Evans; London-Chapman, Brothers. 1846. 4 G

VOL. II.

interest, and the advance of knowledge on the subject in England, if the question of American Slavery, and the duties of foreign countries in reference to it, be not now a matter greatly beyond the dissensions and enmities of Anti-Slavery Societies: and we desire to advert to the tremendous sin of American Slavery with little or no reference to the merits or demerits of those who have undertaken to denounce and to remove it.

Judging from the present course of events, it seems by no means improbable that the voice of this country against the continuance of American Slavery will arise from among its various religious communities; and considering the moral character of the movement that is springing up, this origin appears to be a most appropriate one. Should the numerous religious organizations of Great Britain feel it their duty to use their influence with those Christian societies in the United States with whom they have church fellowship, or with whom they sympathize in doctrinal opinion, to arouse attention to the sinfulness of Slavery, a more powerful or a more peaceful manner for one country to interfere with another could not be imagined.

We have not been unobserving spectators of the proceedings that have been taking place in our own religious body, both in this country and in America, in reference to Slavery. At the anniversary of the American Unitarian Association, held in Boston, in 1844, upon the report that a Unitarian congregation in a Slave State had refused to receive a minister sent to them by the Association, because he was known to have declared himself hostile to Negro bondage, the meeting passed a series of resolutions condemnatory of Slavery, though certainly with a reserve and hesitation not very intelligible to us, and not quite consistent with its concluding profession that upon Unitarians "rests the responsibility of illustrating the practical tendencies of the precious faith to which we all owe a common attachment." And we know that at the anniversary of the British and Foreign Unitarian Association, held in London in May, 1845, a proposition of sympathy with our American Unitarian brethren on the existence of the national sin of Slavery among them, and of hope that so enlightened a body of Christians would be foremost in devising peaceful measures for its removal, would have been brought forward, had not a long discussion upon a different subject prevented even the customary resolution of friendly welcome to the American brethren then present, from being proposed to the Association. In the early part of 1844, an Address "to their Ministerial Brethren of the Unitarian Churches in the United States of North America," respectfully, but earnestly, entreating them to take some decided steps in reference to the Slavery question, was signed by 190 Unitarian Ministers of Great Britain and Ireland, and forwarded to Boston.

In giving insertion to this earnest Address, we remarked upon the omission of the signatures to it of many ministers in London, Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds, Liverpool, Exeter and the respective neighbourhood," but maintained our conviction that, whatever were the reasons for withholding subscription, the non-subscribers were not more decided in their abhorrence of Slavery in all its forms than those who

* Christian Reformer, Vol. XI. p. 60.

had appended their signatures. We feel, however, now bound to express our belief, that had the Address been originated at the present time, increased attention to American Slavery, and clearer views of the duty of the religious bodies of every denomination in America in regard to it, would have added to the list some names which do not now appear upon it.

Though this Address was received with considerable coldness by some who may be considered the leading members of the American Unitarian Association, yet it elicited, as our readers well know, an admirable "Protest," dated September, 1845, against the evils of Slavery, signed by 170 Unitarian Ministers in the United States, many of them well known and highly appreciated in this country, and we felt bound to offer our congratulations to those Ministers who had had no scruples in signing the English Address, upon the successful result of their wellintended efforts.* And since then, so recently indeed as in the spring of the present year, 303 Ministers of the Universalist denomination have followed the example of their Unitarian brethren, (from whom they but slightly differ in doctrinal views,) and have issued an earnest Protest against Slavery, setting forth the multiplied wrongs of the Slave; declaring, that though charity bade them hold in remembrance that "peculiarities of situation might affect the judgment and moral sense" of the Slave-owners, "no peculiarity of situation can excuse a perpetual denial of universal principles and obligations ;" and denouncing Slavery as a stigma upon the national name, a curse to their country's prosperity, and a great moral evil, that, if not overthrown, would overthrow them."

66

Under the conviction that until the churches in America take an ostensible and active share in denouncing the sin of Slavery, comparatively little progress will be made for its extinction, we do not hesitate to express our satisfaction at seeing ministers of Unitarian sentiments foremost in the field in uniting as a body to forward this good work. If our views of Scripture truth be, as we believe them, of a purer and more elevating character than those held by our orthodox brethren, it is but reasonable that those who embrace them should be most prominent in exemplifying by their conduct the genuine influence of their religion and we cannot doubt, considering the extent, intelligence and eminence of the Unitarians of New England, that such a Protest as that to which we have referred, emanating from them, must produce a valuable effect as an example upon the churches of other denominations.

In Scotland, for several months, a degree of excitement has existed in reference to American Slavery, the effects of which, in diffusing information and calling forth Anti-Slavery zeal, can hardly be calculated. When the deputation which the Free Church of Scotland sent to America, to collect funds for assisting in the erection of their new buildings for worship and education, returned from their mission with £3000 from the Slave-holding States, (though warned by the Abolitionists of the injury they would do to the cause of Emancipation if they accepted money from the dealers in human flesh,) they were probably little prepared for the opposition they were destined to encounter,

* Christian Reformer for January 1846, p. 58.

or to find among various members of their body any reluctance to receive what was denominated" the blood-stained dollars." Frequent, earnest, and most numerously attended, have been the discussions in Glasgow and Edinburgh upon this question. Mr. George Thompson may be regarded as the eloquent leader of the opposition to the acceptance of the Slave-holders' contributions, and he has been ably supported by Mr. Buffum and Mr. Wright from New England, and by Frederick Douglass, the fugitive Slave, from Maryland. Whether the money will be returned is not yet decided, but the important influence of the discussions that have taken place, in awakening attention to American Slavery, cannot be prevented, whatever be the eventual fate of the £3000. The name of Frederick Douglass is probably known to most of our readers through the wide circulation of his most interesting Narrative, the truthfulness of which is established by internal as well as collateral evidence. Other labourers are springing up in the AntiSlavery field. The tract, the title of which stands at the foot of page 593, is particularly deserving of attention, not merely because it condenses much of that kind of information which is needed by those who are desirous of paying attention to this interesting topic, but also on account of its dispassionate tone and its great ability. Though no name is prefixed to the pamphlet, it is understood to be written by Mr. Estlin, of Bristol, a gentleman whose opinions are held in deserved respect by all well-informed Unitarians. He, it will be remembered, formerly contributed to this publication some Remarks upon the State of the Negroes in the West Indies. The "Brief Notice" is, we believe, intended more for private distribution than for sale. Of its merits, we are enabled to present the following opinion, given by an American gentleman in high estimation among the Abolitionists for ability, zeal and judgment:- "I have read it all carefully," he says, "and I not only like it, but do admire it for its simplicity, directness, fairness and remarkable correctness ;-remarkable, I say, for it is very rare for a writer of one country to be able to enter so fully into the feelings, customs, &c. of another, as to avoid making some mistakes, which are apt to be ludicrous. The tract is manifestly the result of much patient study, comparison of different testimony, &c., and the conclusions are certainly most judicious and fair."

The division of the tract into Sections will enable us with facility to extract those parts which we think it most desirable to lay before our readers.

The first Section enumerates the Free and Slave-holding States. The second is on the Treatment of Slaves and Laws of the Slave States. Upon this point we need say little. Were positive evidence wanting of the sufferings of the American Slaves, no doubt could be entertained that unlimited, irresponsible power held by men notorious for the violence of their tempers, and accustomed from infancy to the uncontrolled command of their helpless Slaves, must be liable to sad abuse. Mr. Cassius M. Clay, once a Slave-holder, but ceasing to be so by the voluntary liberation of his Negroes, says of American Slavery, that "its laws and its possible abuses make it the lowest, the basest and most unmitigated, the world has seen.”

Some examples are given of the Laws of the Slave States to prove the cruelties to which the Negroes are subjected, and also to shew that

the laws made professedly for their protection are rendered nugatory by the circumstance that the testimony of Slaves is not received as evidence, and that White persons are rarely present to witness the cruelties inflicted. The author has collected in this Section an epitome of the sufferings of the Slaves, and quotes several advertisements from the Slave-State papers, shewing a degree of cold-blooded depravity quite harrowing to the feelings. It appears that little reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of reports made by casual visitors to the United States as to the condition of the Slaves, and that nothing is farther from the truth than the assertion that the Negroes are contented with their situation. The number who risk their lives in attempting to escape, disproves this statement. It is calculated that one out of every thirty have actually escaped, or attempted to run away, which makes 90,000 on the whole Slave population.

The third Section is on the Political Power of Slave-holders. The fact may not be generally known, that the "Slave-holding interest" commands a majority of votes in the American Congress; an excess of influence, partly dependent upon the greater amount of political power that every White proprietor of Negroes in the United States has over an inhabitant of a free State. The Constitution allows one Representative for 47,000 inhabitants. The Negroes have no voice themselves, but they are so enumerated in the amount of population as that five are reckoned equivalent to three free persons; hence every five Negroes give their master political power equal to four free men in the Northern States. Thus one man possessing 1000 Slaves is equal in political influence to 601 of the wealthiest and most intelligent freemen in the North. This is the exact statement of the case. The author has fallen into a slight error in a preceding sentence, when he speaks of a Slaveholder possessing four votes-one for himself and three for every five Slaves. No individual has more than one vote.

The fourth Section refers to the Free Coloured Population, and gives a painful account of the prejudice which exists among the White inhabitants of the North towards those of a coloured complexion, however refined or educated they may be. The Abolitionists maintain that there is no sincerity in the Anti-Slavery professions of those who encourage this unchristian prejudice. We will here quote a passage, though we regret that it places in a less favourable light than we should desire, one whom we have been accustomed to regard with respect and esteem.

"It is lamentable to see this unchristian feeling fostered by those who have the power, and ought to have the inclination, to teach a better spirit. The Rev. Dr. Dewey, a distinguished clergyman of New York, of highly cultivated mind, favourably known in this country and in America by the publication of many eloquent sermons, and by a work entitled 'The Old and the New World,' in an Essay on American Morals and Manners,' speaking of the coloured race generally, says, 'They must ever be with us a despised minority-separated from us by impassable physical, if not mental barriers, how are they ever to rise? How are they to enjoy any fair chance as men ?" This statement of the existence of a physical barrier to the amalgamation of the classes, is made with a full knowledge of an almost White race of descendants from Negroes in the South (if, at least, the description of the fairness of Negroes, as given by the planters themselves in their advertisements of Slaves for sale, and of runaway Negroes, is to be believed); and the necessity that