HUMBERT'S CAMPAIGN IN IRELAND.

BY A. HILLIARD ATTERIDGE.

IN the last decade of the eighteenth century though the Irish Parliament, which Grattan had created, still met at College Green, it was elected by a very limited franchise, and many of its members were really the mere nominees of a few great landlord families. Only Protestants were eligible for a seat in it, and it was controlled by the party that was opposed to all reforms. Its powers for good or evil were limited by the fact that the executive at Dublin Castle was responsible not to it, but to the English ministry in London. The real ruler of Ireland was the English Prime Minister, with his deputies the Viceroy and the Secretary for Irish Affairs. The great mass of the Irish people, who did not belong to the privileged Episcopalian and landlord class, despaired of any reforms being secured by Parliamentary action, and when the successful Revolution in America was followed by another Revolution in France, their leaders looked to the country, which had so effectively aided the revolted colonists beyond the Atlantic, as their ally in the struggle with the dominant party and with England. The movement began not among the oppressed Catholics of the west and south, but among the Presbyterians of Ulster, and for awhile Belfast was its chief centre. It was among the northern men that the United Irishmen were the strongest. The association had at first been an open organization agitating for Parliamentary reform. The repressive measures of the government led to its conversion into a secret society conspiring to effect a revolution by armed force.

The government made some concessions, but only went far enough to encourage the popular party to exert further pressure upon it. The Parliamentary vote was granted to a certain number of Catholics, but no Catholic could be elected a member of the Irish House of Commons. Catholics were allowed to hold commissions in the army, but the higher ranks were barred to them. Wise men urged that the way of safety was not to remove this or that grievance, but to sweep all of them away. But Dublin Castle refused to grant concessions except in a grudging, half-hearted way, that caused more disappointment than satisfaction.

There was a brief period of hope when, in January, 1795, Earl Fitzwilliam arrived in Dublin as Lord Lieutenant, and in his first speech as Viceroy declared that he meant to see that the just claims of the Irish Catholics should be granted. But the policy he had proclaimed was disavowed by the cabinet in London, and within three months he was recalled, and left Dublin amid the general mourning of the people.

Lord Camden, who succeeded him, found the country seething with discontent that voiced itself in intermittent disorder. England was at war with France, and engaged in military operations in various parts of the world, so the garrison of regular troops in Ireland had been greatly reduced. Those that were left there were scattered in small detachments through the country under conditions that made discipline dangerously lax. When, in 1796, came of an impending French invasion, yeomanry and militia regiments were hurriedly raised to act as armed police, and allow the regulars to be concentrated for the defence of the country. "Of course," wrote Camden, "I shall be construed as arming the Protestants against the Catholics." This was in fact what he was doing. The new corps were largely recruited among the Orange lodges, who were bitterly hostile not only to the Catholics, but to the liberal-minded section of the northern Presbyterians.

rumors

The new guardians of order proved such a scourge to the districts in which they were billeted, that the general hostility to the government became daily more accentuated. The Irish situation was soon so threatening that Pitt sent Lord Malmesbury to Paris to try to arrange a peace with the French Republic. The negotiations dragged on without result till the middle of December, when Malmesbury was somewhat curtly dismissed from Paris. There is good reason to believe that the French government thus rejected the proferred peace largely on account of the hopes they built upon a plan of concerted action arranged with Wolfe Tone and the United Irishmen, and now ripe for execution. Hoche's expedition was just ready at Brest to sail for Ireland. There is no need to tell again how the enterprise failed; how the fleet reached Bantry Bay but without its chief, and how the French waited without landing, until a gale drove them out to sea and scattered their ships. In Irish popular tradition, Grouchy, the second in command, is unjustly blamed for not having landed with the forces that had reached the bay. But the publication of his correspondence has proved that he was anxious to risk everything

General

HUMBERT'S CAMPAIGN IN IRELAND.

I

BY A. HILLIARD ATTERIDGE.

IN the last decade of the eighteenth century though the Irish Parliament, which Grattan had created, still met at College Green, it was elected by a very limited franchise, and many of its members were really the mere nominees of a few great landlord families. Only Protestants were eligible for a seat in it, and it was controlled by the party that was opposed to all reforms. Its powers for good or evil were limited by the fact that the executive at Dublin Castle was responsible not to it, but to the English ministry in London. The real ruler of Ireland was the English Prime Minister, with his deputies the Viceroy and the Secretary for Irish Affairs. The great mass of the Irish people, who did not belong to the privileged Episcopalian and landlord class, despaired of any reforms being secured by Parliamentary action, and when the successful Revolution in America was followed by another Revolution in France, their leaders looked to the country, which had so effectively aided the revolted colonists beyond the Atlantic, as their ally in the struggle with the dominant party and with England. The movement began not among the oppressed Catholics of the west and south, but among the Presbyterians of Ulster, and for awhile Belfast was its chief centre. It was among the northern men that the United Irishmen were the strongest. The association had at first been an open organization agitating for Parliamentary reform. The repressive measures of the government led to its conversion into a secret society conspiring to effect a revolution by armed force.

The government made some concessions, but only went far enough to encourage the popular party to exert further pressure upon it. The Parliamentary vote was granted to a certain number of Catholics, but no Catholic could be elected a member of the Irish House of Commons. Catholics were allowed to hold commissions in the army, but the higher ranks were barred to them. Wise men urged that the way of safety was not to remove this or that grievance, but to sweep all of them away. But Dublin Castle refused to grant concessions except in a grudging, half-hearted way, that caused more disappointment than satisfaction.

There was a brief period of hope when, in January, 1795, Earl Fitzwilliam arrived in Dublin as Lord Lieutenant, and in his first speech as Viceroy declared that he meant to see that the just claims of the Irish Catholics should be granted. But the policy he had proclaimed was disavowed by the cabinet in London, and within three months he was recalled, and left Dublin amid the general mourning of the people.

Lord Camden, who succeeded him, found the country seething with discontent that voiced itself in intermittent disorder. England was at war with France, and engaged in military operations in various parts of the world, so the garrison of regular troops in Ireland had been greatly reduced. Those that were left there were scattered in small detachments through the country under conditions that made discipline dangerously lax. When, in 1796, rumors came of an impending French invasion, yeomanry and militia regiments were hurriedly raised to act as armed police, and allow the regulars to be concentrated for the defence of the country. "Of course," wrote Camden, "I shall be construed as arming the Protestants against the Catholics." This was in fact what he was doing. The new corps were largely recruited among the Orange lodges, who were bitterly hostile not only to the Catholics, but to the liberal-minded section of the northern Presbyterians.

The new guardians of order proved such a scourge to the districts in which they were billeted, that the general hostility to the government became daily more accentuated. The Irish situation was soon so threatening that Pitt sent Lord Malmesbury to Paris to try to arrange a peace with the French Republic. The negotiations dragged on without result till the middle of December, when Malmesbury was somewhat curtly dismissed from Paris. There is good reason to believe that the French government thus rejected the proferred peace largely on account of the hopes they built upon a plan of concerted action arranged with Wolfe Tone and the United Irishmen, and now ripe for execution. General Hoche's expedition was just ready at Brest to sail for Ireland. There is no need to tell again how the enterprise failed; how the fleet reached Bantry Bay but without its chief, and how the French waited without landing, until a gale drove them out to sea and scattered their ships. In Irish popular tradition, Grouchy, the second in command, is unjustly blamed for not having landed with the forces that had reached the bay. But the publication of his correspondence has proved that he was anxious to risk everything

HUMBERT'S CAMPAIGN IN IRELAND.

I

BY A. HILLIARD ATTERIDGE.

N the last decade of the eighteenth century though the Irish Parliament, which Grattan had created, still met at College Green, it was elected by a very limited franchise, and many of its members were really the mere nominees of a few great landlord families. Only Protestants were eligible for a seat in it, and it was controlled by the party that was opposed to all reforms. Its powers for good or evil were limited by the fact that the executive at Dublin Castle was responsible not to it, but to the English ministry in London. The real ruler of Ireland was the English Prime Minister, with his deputies the Viceroy and the Secretary for Irish Affairs. The great mass of the Irish people, who did not belong to the privileged Episcopalian and landlord class, despaired of any reforms being secured by Parliamentary action, and when the successful Revolution in America was followed by another Revolution in France, their leaders looked to the country, which had so effectively aided the revolted colonists beyond the Atlantic, as their ally in the struggle with the dominant party and with England. The movement began not among the oppressed Catholics of the west and south, but among the Presbyterians of Ulster, and for awhile Belfast was its chief centre. It was among the northern men that the United Irishmen were the strongest. The association had at first been an open organization agitating for Parliamentary reform. The repressive measures of the government led to its conversion into a secret society conspiring to effect a revolution by armed force.

The government made some concessions, but only went far enough to encourage the popular party to exert further pressure upon it. The Parliamentary vote was granted to a certain number of Catholics, but no Catholic could be elected a member of the Irish House of Commons. Catholics were allowed to hold commissions in the army, but the higher ranks were barred to them. Wise men urged that the way of safety was not to remove this or that grievance, but to sweep all of them away. But Dublin Castle refused to grant concessions except in a grudging, half-hearted way, that caused more disappointment than satisfaction.