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honour and the name of their country, will ever lead them to pour out their blood, like water, in any contest which holds ont the most distant hope of its redemption. Poland, therefore, is in that state in which the refusal of its complete reestablishment will be more bitterly felt, and more dangerously resented, than at any period since its subversion; and in which its reduction to the state in which it was before 1807 would actually be an outrage, and a crime not less enormous than that which was consummated in 1795. The new state which was then created under the name of the Grand Dutchy of Warsaw, has been recognized by all the parties to the original partition-and indeed by every one of the powers who are now to sit in judgment on its destiny, except England alone-who never recognized the original partition, and is not bound, therefore, to acknowledge one foot of soil which formed part of the ancient kingdom of Poland, as the territory of any other kingdom. The condition of Poland itself, therefore, as recently suppressed-partly restored-and filled with recent hopes and promises of complete restoration,-is unquestionably such as to hold out the strongest inducements to extend to it also the benefit of that great principle of restoration which has been so proudly proclaimed, and so nobly realized in other instances, by those very Sovereigns in whose power it is to make its best application here.

With regard to the condition of those powers themselves, again, we have already said that England has never disgraced herself by any accession or direct recognition of any one of the successive acts of rapine by which this monstrous crime has been accomplished;-and the same thing may be said of France. Both these great powers were guilty no doubt of a base and fatal desertion of their duty as guardians of the general interests of civilized Europe, when they stood quietly by and saw one of its greatest and most antient states thus torn to pieces and devoured by its neighbours: But they were no sharers in that disgraceful proceeding; they had no participation or concern in it whatfoever; and their hands and tongues are still free and unfettered, therefore, for remonstrance and resistance-which, if not interposed at the moment, never could be so effectually interposed as at present. They are not only free to remonstrate and resist-but they are at last called upon either to do so, or to take an active and willing share in crimes with which they have not yet been contaminated-and wilfully to dishonour themselves in the eyes of the world by a deliberate accession, after the fact, to atrocities from which they can derive no benefit!-Of the disposi tions and feelings of the people of England no doubt can be eutertained-and none we hope and trust of the conduct of its Govern

ment. On the cooperation and France we think a similar reliance vernment ought to be so zealous i!. the whole course of its antient and same direction. These two, howe and impartial parties who are to as ations; and as the pretensions o a good degree balanced against eac a measure so strongly recommende justice and sound policy, can scarce fect.

Even of the interested parties, h presume favourably. Of the Empo most important of the whole, it is ir wise. He has given the world a ri strain of conduct, above the little view nary politicians; and is bound, as we posed, to exemplify at home, the high nanimously supported and enforced abr ticipated in that glory, shares also ir sides, her recent compact in 1812, c all pleas of secure and undisturbed pos more binding upon her under the mor ces which have since occurred; unless she was willing to yield more to Bonapar pressed and insulted, than to the more mous Allies, by whom she has been delive and restored to her ancient place and d Prussia will, on all accounts, be still mor

If these States, indeed, are rightly aw rests, they can scarcely fail to see and f tial power and security will be increased, i nished, by the relinquishment of those r provinces, which constitute a part, not o their weakness,—and are at once the perpet tility, and the points through which it is me to their vitals. By the reestablishment of a state, bound, by the very event of its restorat tude to them all, and yet jealous of too clos ny, each would, in fact, obtain a far more sec the others, than can ever be constituted 1 wasted provinces which now gird their border perpetually on the eve of a justifiable insurr ing but slender resources, even if they were si their interest. Some new arrangements o

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teps have been taken to accomplish this se who advanced their property to save tion, have waited in patience, and have e general good, in the fullest confidence, ould be convinced of the importance of hen liberally contribute to place it upon at period is now arrived. Persons in

e, the Foreign Secretary of the Society, hing correspondences. Hopes are enterof the system into Russia: And the fol eceived from France, exhibit the anxiety try for a mode of instruction, which this

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y of copies of the Holy Bible is not so reading it. It is a deplorable evil. It e people in our southern provinces is e they cannot read it. The principal on is, that there should be established of inferior schools, where they should where children might be admitted

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ment. On the cooperation and good wishes of the Court of France we think a similar reliance may be placed No other Government ought to be so zealous in the cause of restorations-and the whole course of its antient and of its modern policy runs in the same direction. These two, however, are almost the only neutral and impartial parties who are to assist at the approaching deliberations; and as the pretensions of the rest will probably be in a good degree balanced against each other, their concurrence, in a measure so strongly recommended by every consideration of justice and sound policy, can scarcely fail to be attended with ef

fect.

Even of the interested parties, however, we are disposed to presume favourably. Of the Emperor Alexander, by far the most important of the whole, it is impossible to presume otherwise. He has given the world a right to expect from him a strain of conduct, above the little views and low ambition of ordinary politicians; and is bound, as we cannot doubt that he is disposed, to exemplify at home, the high maxins which he so magnanimously supported and enforced abroad.-Austria, which participated in that glory, shares also in this obligation: and besides, her recent conpact in 1812, ought to debar her from all pleas of secure and undisturbed possession, and be held still more binding upon her under the more favourable circumstances which have since occurred; unless she chooses to avow, that she was willing to yield more to Bonaparte, by whom she was oppressed and insulted, than to the more powerful and magnanimous Allies, by whom she has been delivered from his thraldom, and restored to her ancient place and dignity.-The claims of Prussia will, on all accounts, be still more easily disposed of.

If these States, indeed, are rightly awake to their own interests, they can scarcely fail to see and feel that their substantial power and security will be increased, instead of being diminished, by the relinquishment of those ruined and disaffected provinces, which constitute a part, not of their strength, but their weakness,-and are at once the perpetual occasions of hostility, and the points through which it is most likely to penetrate to their vitals. By the reestablishment of a lawful and friendly state, bound, by the very event of its restoration, in ties of gratitude to them all, and yet jealous of too close an alliance with any, each would, in fact, obtain a far more secure frontier against the others, than can ever be constituted by the dejected and wasted provinces which now gird their borders with a population perpetually on the eve of a justifiable insurrection, and affording but slender resources, even if they were sincerely attached to their interest. Some new arrangements on their respective

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frontiers will, no doubt, be required; but none which can occasion any serious embarrassment to parties sincerely desirous of a fair and amicable adjustment.

Looking even to their immediate and peculiar interests, therefore, we conceive that those states will be great and certain gainers by that act of Justice, for which, at the same time, they will receive and deserve the praises of high and heroic generosity. But, looking to that larger, and more important interest which is common to them with us, and with all the members of civilized society, the advantages which they will reap, will be great beyond all calculation or example. Such an act, we conceive, concurring with the other memorable events of the same critical season, will at once secure and ameliorate all the established monarchies and existing governments of Europe. It will fix for ever, and in every country, the opinion which the people is to entertain of the principles and policy of their rulers: -And considering what a preponderating influence already belongs to that opinion, and what additional force it is obviously destined to acquire, we do not think that we say too much, when we add, That upon their decision of this great question, it depends-whether Europe is to continue, for centuries yet to come, in a course, on the whole, of peace and improvement, under its present constitution,—or whether, at the close of no very great number of years, it is again to be agitated with revolts and revolutions, and plunged through a series of still more extensive disorders, into the same hazard of universal despotism, from which it has so lately escaped.

It is impossible to await the issue of those most momentous deliberations, without great anxiety and some apprehension:-But we confess that our hopes preponderate, and that our anticipations, upon the whole, are favourable. Whatever may be the result, however, our earnest prayer, and most confident assurance is, that England at least will be found in the place and the posture that becomes her name and character; and that, as the body of the nation is, and has always been, unanimous in its reprobation of those proceedings on which its government has too long been silent, so no consideration will ever induce its representatives, now that this silence must be broken, to belie those feelings of which it is impossible they should be ignorant-or to dishonour the British name, by a deliberate and unprofitable accession to a crime against liberty, humanity, and policy.

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