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tween the Pope and Napoleon must infallibly create in Ireland. As if the faith and loyalty, which the Irish had for conscience sake preserved unconțaminated for centuries, were to be altered or abandoned by the conduct of any people on the continent, and more especially of an implacable and formidable enemy.


of the Ca

The leading part of the Irish catholics, most of Proceedings whom had supported the Union in plenary confi- tholics. dence of the professions made by Mr. Pitt and Lord Cornwallis that emancipation would immedi ately follow it, held frequent meetings in Dublin,' in order to concert the most efficient means of rendering available Mr. Pitt's disposition to favor their cause, which they fondly assumed had returned with him into power. The general precipitancy of the body to bring the ministerial sin

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"blood of the people of this land, as it has been and still con"tinues to be, that we are to ascribe the extinction of every "charitable feeling one towards another, all the miseries, that we "have so long suffered as a nation, and that we are yet likely to "suffer." A modern reader will not perhaps follow Melancthon through the dark pages of the history of Charlemagne, King Pepin, Charles Martel, and Pope Hildebrand, but will wonder at his assurance in undertaking to prove Lord Redesdale a sound divine, a prudent politician, and a consunimate statesman. Before Melanchton, a Bishop of Meath, (Anthony Dopping, in 1695)," preaching before the government at Christ Church, ar



gued, that the peace, (i. e. the articles of Limerick) ought not to be observed with a people so perfidious, that they kept "neither articles nor oaths any longer, than was for their in"terest. And the Bishop of Meath's behaviour was so much "resented by the King, that he was put out of the council.” William had then taken the coronation oath within five years, and wished to be tolerant to his Irish catholic subjects. (Vide Harris' Ware, p. 214)


1805. cerity to the test, was with difficulty repressed by those, who were considered to be most directly under the influence, of the Castle. An adjourn ment was with difficulty carried from the 31st of December to the 16th of February. The proceed, ings of the Catholics were made with publicity, and were particularly watched by all, who opr posed their claims from principle or interest. T

It has been before observed, that Lord Sidmouth was forced from the councils of his Majesty by the indignant sense, which the nation had expressed of his incompetency to fill the station of a prime Minister. The credited report, that Mr. Pitt, would either soften the rigidity of the royal mind, or in defence of his own sincerity expose too broadly the secret springs of action concerning the Irish question, drove Lord Sidmouth into more frequent and more confidential communications with the that


Sovereign, than was usual or fittingy other

Lord Sid

mouth's influence upon the King.





than his majesty's responsible, advisers should enjoy. He was admitted to dine privately with the King, and soon after made President of the council. As the secret influence of Lord Sidmouth gained upon the Royal mind, the confidential întercourse of the official, advisers of the crown was observed to abate. The time between the Catho lies adjournment from the 31st of December to the 16th of February was to them a period of inaction; but to their opponents it was a season of activity, preparation and expedients. Within that short space of less than two months, every matter was brought before the Imperial Parliament

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or British public, that could tend to create suspi- 1805. cion, disgust and dread of the Irish. Mr. Pitt equally averse from being pressed to render a public account of his conduct in seceding upon the Irish question, and of his pledges as to the same subject on his return to power, importuned the King to allow him once more to retire from office: and about the 10th of February, he gave in a written resignation, which his Majesty was advised not to accept. From that hour, until the final defeat of the Irish catholic petition, Mr. Pitt and Lord Sidmouth agreed like Pilate and Herod: and during that period the coalition between lord Grenville and Mr. Fox was established.

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Opening of


His Majesty's speech to the Parliament, on its opening on the 15th of January studiously avoided parliament. even oblique reference to Ireland. It alluded to speech, the prompt and decisive measures that he had been compelled to take, in order to guard against the effects of hostility from Spain; and that in consequence of a refusal of a satisfactory explanation, the British minister had quitted Madrid, and war had been declared against Great Britain by Spain. It observed, that the conduct of the French, Government had been marked by the ut most violence and outrage, notwithstanding which his Majesty had recently received a communication from it, containing professions of a pacific disposi tiont; to which, notwithstanding his earnest de


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The taking and sinking of the Spanish frigates.

In order to give the reader some unequivocal proofs of Mr. Pitt's powers as a statesman, in the most mature gear of his ex


sires for the blessings of peace, he had not thought it right to enter into any more particular explana

perience, we submit this trait of his political conduct, which subsequent events have more explicitly disclosed in our relations to France, Spain, and Russia. The following is a translated copy of the communication of the pacific tendency alluded to in Iris Majesty's speech, with the official answer :—

"Sir and Brother,

Called to the throne of France by Providence, and by the suffrages of the people, and by the army, my first sentiment is a wish for peace: France and England abuse their prosperity;" they may contend for ages; but do their governments well fulfil the most sacred of their duties? and will not so much blood shed uselessly, and without a view to any end, accuse them in their own consciences? I consider it as no disgrace to make the first step. I have, I hope, sufficiently proved to the world, that I fear none of the chances of war; it besides presents nothing, that I need to fear. Peace is the wish of my heart, but war has never been contrary to my glory. I conjure your Majesty not to deny yourself the happiness of giving peace to the world, nor to leave that sweet satisfaction to your children; for, in fine, there never was a more favourable opportunity, nor a moment more favourable to silence all the passions, and to listen only to the senti ments of humanity and reason. This moment once lost, what period can be assigned to a war, which all my efforts will not be able to terminate Your Majesty has gained more within ten years, both in territory and riches, than the whole extent of Euröpe; your nation is at the highest point of prosperity; what can it hope from war? To form a coalition of some powers of the continent? The continent will remain tranquil; a coalition can only increase the preponderance and continental greatness of France. The time is past for renewing internal troubles. To destroy our finances? Finances founded on flourishing culture' can never be destroyed. To take from France her colonies? The colonies are to France only a secondary object; and does not your Majesty already possess more, than you know how to preserve? If your Majesty would but reflect, you must perceive.


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tion without previous communication with those powers on the continent, with which he was engaged in confidential intercourse and connection, with a view to that important object, and especially with the Emperor of Russia, who had given the

that the war is without an object; without any presumable re-
sult to yourself. Alas! what a melancholy prospect, to cause
two nations to fight for the sake of fighting! The world is suffi
ciently large for our two nations to live in, and reason sufficiently
powerful, to discover the means of reconciling every thing, when
the wish for reconciliation exists on both sides. I have, however,
fulfilled a sacred duty, and one, which is precious to my heart.
I trust your Majesty will believe in the sincerity of my sentiments,
my wish to give you every proof of it.


"His Majesty has received the letter, which has been addressed to him by the head of the French Government, dated the 24 of the present month. There is no object, which his Majesty has more at heart, than to avail himself of the first opportunity to procure again for his subjects the advantages of a peace founded on a basis, which may not be incompatible with the permanent security and essential interests of his states. His Majesty is persuaded, that this end can only be attained by arrangements, which may at the same time provide for the future safety and tranquillity of Europe, and prevent the recurrence of the dangers and calamities, in which it is involved. Conformably to this sentiment his Majesty feels, that it is impossible for him to answer more particularly to the overture, that has been made him, till he has had time to communicate with the powers of the continent, with whom he is engaged in confidential connexions and relations, and particularly with the Emperor of Russia, who has given the strongest proofs of the wisdom and elevation of the sentiments, with which he is animated, and the lively interest, which he takes in the safety and independence of Europe.


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