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the aggregate meeting, as they call it) to be held at his own house, and he endeavoured, by excluding some topics which might provoke intemperate discussion, to ensure the peace, or to moderate the fury of a popular assembly. In vain! These fierce demagogues disdain moderation. His lordship's mild behaviour seemed to encourage the rude haranguers to hazard expressions unusually harsh; even the sanctity of his house was invaded, and all his purposes were defeated ;-the debates took place at Mr. Fitzpatrick's, and we have now, pursuing our detail, to record some of the lamentable consequences. We must first, however, notice the meeting at Lord Fingal's on the 10th of January, when several drafts of petitions were read; one by Mr. Sheil, rather a long one, and it gave rise to a tedious discussion of three hours; another by Lord Fingal; ano ther by Lord Killeen; another by Mr. O'Gorman, avowedly copied from the Cork petition; and we may add, that Mr. O'Connell expressed a wish to adhere to Mr. Phillips's petition, already before Parliament. The debate, as usual, carried much of the character which distinguished the suppressed Board;-the speakers were numerous, loud, discordant, and intemperate. The result was, that five gentlemen, Messrs. Sheil, O'Connell, Lube, O'Gorman, and Wise, were appointed as a sub-committee; the different drafts were referred to their consideration, and they were to report their opinion at a subsequent meeting, on the 17th of January.

On the 17th, accordingly, a meeting (insultingly called a close committee, and the divan, in the Dublin Evening Post of that day) took place at Lord Fingal's. Another meeting, more agreeable to the orators, was held at the Clarendon Street Popish chapel; and another on the 21st at Mr. Fitzpatrick's, when Mr. O'Connell uttered the rude language concerning the Protestant corporation of Dublin, (whose members, actuated by constitutional feelings, and desirous of counteracting the turbulent struggles of the Romanists, had come to those very praiseworthy resolutions which we shall presently lay before our readers,) that led to the duel which ended so fatally for poor Mr. D'Esterre. At Fitzpatrick's a great deal of most indecent and ill-timed discussion was introduced relative to Lord Fingal, Lord Donoughmore, the Duke of Sussex, Mr. Grattan, and Mr. Canning; whence it seems very clear that whosoever shall undertake the Popish cause in Parliament, or elsewhere, must do as he is bid, and must adopt the sentiments of as violent a faction as ever disturbed the peace of any country. The Papists have received several considerable augmentations of power during the present reign, and the ill use which they make of the well-intended, but ill-judged favour shewn them, makes us shudder at the thoughts of further concessions.-Lord Donoughmore has acted wisely at last; he wrote a letter to Mr. Hay, the

worthy and loyal secretary to the Rump, the contents of which excited no small curiosity at another meeting held on the 23d. The infuriated assembly insisted upon hearing the letter, but "the secretary answered, that it could not be disclosed until it was previously submitted to the aggregate meeting.

"Mr. Mahon conceived it highly imprudent to submit any document to the aggregate meeting, which had not undergone any inspection of the committee.

"Messrs. O'Connell, Raudal M'Donnell, O'Gorman, and others were of the same opinion; and it was suggested that Mr. Hay should be interdicted by a resolution from reading the letter to the aggregate meeting, if he did not forthwith communicate its contents.

"A long conversation here ensued, and it ended by Mr. Hay's offering to retire with Mr. Lidwill, and take his opinion on the line of conduct which he should adopt. This, he said, he was willing to do, provided gentlemen gave up all idea of dragooning him into submission. If they held out any threat he would not come into any sort of terms with them.

"Mr. Hay and Mr. Lidwill then retired. In a short time they reentered, and Mr. Lidwill gave it as his opinion that a knowledge of the contents of the letter was not at all necessary to the completion of the arrangements which were going forward. It was to be handed to the chairman of the aggregate meeting, and he might go so far as to say, that it would afford satisfaction, and prove not inconsistent with any of the proceedings which were projected.

"It may be guessed that the letter was written in an apprehension of the petition being put under new guardianship, and that it contains professions of zeal in the cause, which no revolutions in Catholic sentiment towards the noble writer personally could ever abate."

In this guess the editor of the Dublin Evening Post (whence we copied the sentences marked as a quotation) is, as is not infrequently the case, very much inistaken. Lord Donoughmore refuses to present the petition. We shall print his letter when we arrive at the point of the narrative connected with it.-On this day Mr. O'Connell's resolutions, (intended to be offered for the approbation of the aggregate meeting on the day following,) having been first read on the 21st, received some corrections or alterations.

At last "the great, the important day" arrived, when the Popish champions entered Clarendon Street chapel [mass-house], where, under the pretence of preparing a petition to Parliament, most shocking abuse was hurled at Parliament itself, (by way of conciliating the legislature's

good opinion, we suppose!) at Lord Fingall in particular, at many warm friends of the party, and at England in the gross. Even the Pope was abused; and in the abhorrence expressed against the Veto and poor Quaranto ti, his Holiness was to a certain degree abjured, and the name of Papists rejected, in the eagerness shewn to resist whatever might wear the shape of qualified concession, It was expected that Lord Fingall would have taken the chair; but his lordship declined that honour, stating that a departure had taken place from the terms on which he had rejoined the party; having seceded from the Board previously to its suppression by proclamation. His lordship wished to wait for intelligence from Rome, whither a mission has been sent, before he could agree to enter into a debate involving the whole question. It might happen that an injunction might be issued from Rome on the score of securities, either agreeably to Quarantotti's plan, or some other, more or less efficacious; the enragées would not hear of this; his lordship was repeatedly pressed to ascend the chair; but to hold the chief place in Pandæmonium had no allurement for this amiable nobleman, his mildness was not to be disturbed, and his resolution was impregnable,-he quitted the chapel,"having entered (says the Protestant editor of the Dublin Evening Post, the pioneer and partizan of the ungrateful Papists,) amid the most enthusiastic acclamations-he retired amid the most unqualified [this is meant as a pun] hisses!"--Poor Lord Fingall! We pity him more than ever. On his lordship's declining the chair, Mr. Owen O'Conor was called to it. It seems that this gentleman is the linea! descendant of one of the Roitelets of Ireland-and is termed a man "much more noble than the royalty which has ennobled many others." This affords something new, at least, if not absurd. It is the first time that we have learnt that nobility takes precedence of royalty. Are there titular noblemen as well as titular prelates in Ireland? We have heard ere now, that pedigrees and nominal titles to estates in that country are preserved with religious care, in the fond hope that the descendants of those people who have been the victims of conquest in ancient times, or of treason in periods less remote, may rise to the rank of nobles, or seize the estates forfeited by their ancestors, when opportunity shall serve.-The noble O'Conor having taken the chair, (politely observing that Lord Fingall acted from the purest motives!)Mr. Hay, with whose history we are well acquainted, and at whose hairbreadth escapes we have formerly been astonished, was voted secretary ; -Mr. Curran calls him "a kind of learned pig," (see p. 201)-Lord Donoughmore very politely addresses him "Dear Sir."-One of the first acts of the secretary was to produce the letter from his lordship, menVOL. III. Prot. Adv. March, 1815.] 2 K

tioned above. Lord Donoughmore sagaciously deemed "it questionable whether Lord Fingall might consider it fitting io preside at the meeting," and therefore his lordship addressed Mr. Hay. Indeed it was not fitting for Lord F. or any nobleman, much less any one "more noble than royalty itself," to be present at such a mad debate as characterized the meeting. Lord Donoughmore has washed his hands of all responsibility in future: some time must elapse, however, before they they can get rid of the impurity which has adhered to them;" no man can handle pitch without being defiled thereby." Mr. Hay read the following letter, which we are given to understand" was followed by loud acclamations ;" -and it is said that Mr. O'Connell " indulged in high encomiums on its noble and patriotic author."

Knocklofty, Jan. 21, 1815.

"Dear Sir,-It appearing, from the reports in the last Dublin papers, of the late proceedings in the Catholic committee, that it is to be made a matter of debate at the aggregate meeting on Tuesday next, whether I am to be again entrusted with the care of their petition, I have great satisfaction in availing myself of the opportunity which is thus afforded me, and for which I anxiously sought for a considerable time past, of withdraw. ing myself altogether from any share of responsibility in the future management of their appeals to Parliament.

"I cannot submit to the degradation of becoming the parliamentary automaton [his lordship uses this word wrongly ;-an automaton is possessed of a power of moving within itself—the noble letter-writer means "the parliamentary" puppet, or punch] of any man, or any number of men, however respectable the denomination which they assume; nor of subjecting myself again to the other side of the alternative, [an alternative, it seems, has two sides, "at least we know it may be so in" Ireland,] and to the necessity of continually standing in my defence against misrepre sentation and calumny, where I could have had no possible object but a sincere and ardent desire to deserve well of that important class of my fellow-subjects; for whose complete admission into every constitutional privilege, [the constitution abridges the privileges of Papists,] unrestricted by any jealous reserve, unencumbered by any degrading stipulations, I have never ceased to raise my feeble voice.

"As I think it questionable, from the proceedings of the late Catholic committee, as they have been reported in the public papers, whether Lord Fingall may consider it to be fitting for him to preside at the aggregate meeting on Tuesday next, I have not addressed this letter to his lordship,

but to yourself, with my request that you will have the goodness to hand it to the chairman, whoever he may be, as a public paper, before the commencement of the proceedings of the day.

"Edward Hay, Esq."

"I always remain your's, my dear Sir,
"With much regard, and very truly,
"DONOUGHMORE."

After Mr. O'Connell's encomiums were vented, a Mr. Mahon read a letter from a Protestant gentleman, enclosing the draft of a petition: Unfortunately there are several Protestants as well as this gentleman who are entangled in the net of Popish sophistry. It appears that he is hostile to a Veto. So are we. We like not any compromise with Popery. We know its ambitious spirit too well to endure any of its encroachments. The Protestant's throat may be safe at present; but we would not insure his life, at the premium of one of Wood's halfpence, were the Papists to gain that ascendancy in Ireland at which they aim.

Mr. Lidwill next rose. His speech suited exactly the taste of the meeting; and it affords (as does also that of the poetical Mr. Phillips) a very perfect specimen of Irish Catholic eloquence. It was impetuous, full of dashing asseverations, which the multitude took for sublimity supported by solid argument. It was "a tale full of sound and fury, told by an" orator. He seems in one breath to panegyrise and to find fault with the late Board. He said that he would not be understood to defend the Board; and he informed his auditors, that if the entire Board had been hanged, including "the whole of the Catholic aristocracy," hanged for treason, (could that be possible?) the remainder of the Irish Roman Catholics ought not to be punished for the delinquency of the suf ferers. He means that unqualified concessions should be made to them. What a master of reasoning is here! If this is not to be reckoned an extreme case, what will our readers think of that which he urges nextviz. that if the whole population (the Popish population we presume) of Ireland were to be hanged into the bargain, the restrictions on the Papists ought to be removed? As if the restrictions, occasioned by, and the effect of former treasons, are to be counted the cause of eventual treason in our days. But, in sober sadness, with all possible submission to Mr. Lidwill's exuberant vein of sublimated nonsense,-if the Irish Papists (Mr. Lidwill's supposition, not our's) were to die the death of traitors, and to be hanged, God bless us! out of the way, the few remaining restrictions could not at all affect the Irish Protestants, however they might serve to keep the English Papists in check, and prevent their suffering the fate of their brethren in Ireland.-Perhaps our readers will hardly credit,

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