To Rev. Mr.

Sir,

IN submitting my religious sentiments to your perusal, I feel a timid. ity arising from the consciousness of my inability to do justice to the subject. Although I consider genuine religion to be as far removed from enthusiasm, as from the philosophical deductions of the cold moralist, yet there are certain devotional feelings of the mind, which language cannot faithfully delineate. But I am encouraged, Sir, by the reflection that you will exercise your candor in reading these observations; and more particularly influenced by the pleasing hope, that you will, with honest sincerity, point out my errors, whether they originate in the head, or in the

heart.

I believe in God, the author of every good and perfect gift-that he is a being, greatly to be loved, feared and had in reverence, and the only supreme and proper object of the religious worship and adoration of reasonable beings. He is the foundation of my faith, for all things are possible with him. I believe, also, in Jesus Christ, whom he hath sent, as divinely commissioned to preach the gospel to mankind-that in his life he set us a perfect example, that we should fol. low his steps-that by his death, he expressed God's hatred of sin, and gave himself a ransom for many; and by his resurrection brought life and immortality to light-That he is the only mediator between God and man, and that if we believe his divine au. thority, and sincerely endeavor to practise his commands, God will, in consequence of the expiatory sacrifice, which he offered, accept our best endeavors to serve him, instead of sinless obedience, which, in the state of innocency, in which mankind were first created,it was but just to demand. And though I am unable to explain how the death of Christ is made available to the salvation of sinners, yet this cannot be a sufficient reason for questioning the wisdom or

justice of God-"His ways are not as our ways, nor his thoughts as our thoughts. What we know not now, we shall know hereafter."

Feeling sensible that in many things I offend, and that in all come short of the glory of God, I was induced publicly to profess my belief of the religion of Jesus Christ; considering it to be an indispensible duty to comply with so positive an injunction, and also as a powerful incentive to a virtuous life; not imagining that my obligations to serve God could be increased, but hoping that the principles of the Christian religion might thereby be strengthened and confirmed in my mind, that I might habitually cherish that love to God, gratitude to Christ, and good will to all mankind, which the remembrance of what he has done and suffered for us, is so well calculated to produce.

With respect to the variety of spec. ulative opinions, which have often been contested with more warmth than judgment, and more zeal than charity, I would observe, that I consider them of minor consequence, containing the artificial divisions, which the inventive mind of man has contrived, to separate the Christian world into sects and parties. I would, that it were my earnest endeavor to acquire the name of Christian, by con forming my temper and practise to the perfect example of Jesus Christ.

Thus, Sir, I have attempted to inform you, what, upon serious investigation of the oracles of truth, appears to me to be the meaning of the holy spirit; or, rather, what I consider the foundation, on which the temple of virtue may be erected, by divine assistance, and securely rest amidst all the vicissitudes of life.

Assured of your best wishes for my eternal felicity, I ask an interest in your prayers, that I may be guided by the spirit of truth, secured in the hour of temptation, and supported in the season of calamity.

With sentiments of the highest respect, I subscribe myself, L. W.

Rev. Sir, THE subject upon which I am now addressing you will form an apology for the liberty, which, as a stranger, I take in writing to you. The friends of religion, order and humanity have in all ages of the world lamented the prevalence of War-it has been demonstrated to be in direct opposition to the spirit of Christianity; it may also be demonstrated to be equally in consistent with sound policy. Of late, many men in this country have turned their thoughts to the subject; considering and feeling War to be an evil of the greatest magnitude. They have wished to direct the attention of men to thinking seriously, whether it may not be abolished-banished from civilized society. In a few days I expect that a meeting of a few friends will take place to consider what are the best means to effect so desirable an object. In all probability a society will be formed for the purpose of diffusing knowledge upon the subject of War. This however will be comparatively of little avail, if the associa tion be confined to this country. There must be in your country many friends

of humanity-how much can you assist in the glorious undertaking? It Is our object here to make it no party question, to have nothing of that spirit which may excite jealousies or tend to disunion. We wish to enrol the wise and good of all classes, religious and political, to establish a socie. ty upon the broadest basis. At present I can say but little of the plan or particulars, I only speak of the principle. I would have waited till the meeting took place before I wrote, but an opportunity now offers to convey a copy or two of a small pamphlet which I have published upon the subject; you will use them as may seem most adapted to promote the cause.

I will not presume to dictate to you what mode to adopt of exciting attention to the subject in your country, but I do most earnestly entreat you to use your best endeavors. It will be a great favor, if you can point out to me an opening of communication with any other part of the United States. I intrude no farther upon your time, but subscribe myself, most respectfully, yours,

WM. PITT SCARGILL.

THE "Essay on war," mentioned in the letter of Mr. Scargill, is one of the publications referred to in our last Number.

The essay is well calculated to evince
Vol. III.

32

the impolicy of war, and to show that it is an evil which multiplies itself and tends to involve a nation in poverty, slavery and ruin.

The pamphlet was recently publish

ed, and near the close the author very distinctly urges the formation of societies. We have room for only one paragraph: "What difficulties are in the way of the abolition of war which have not been surmounted in the slave trade? Are there numbers who consider the object hopeless? Many were they, who, while they acknowledged the benevolence of the abolitionists, predicted that their object could not be accomplished. Is war beneficial to many interested in its prosecution? The slave trade seemed to be the daily bread of thousands. Is war a deeply rooted custom, so as to become almost part of human nature? Thus mas ny thought of the slave trade. Has every thing been said upon the subject of war which can be said? And was not the slave trade held up to general abhorrence a long time before any def. inite and great exertions were made for its abolition? To this day it would have continued the disgrace of our country, but for the noble and indefatigable exertions that were made in the cause of humanity. If the same perseverance be used in the cause of general peace, it will undoubtedly be followed with the same success."

We have received another publication which was printed at New York, entitled, "War inconsistent with the religion of Jesus Christ, as it is inhuman, unwise, and criminal." The work is able and interesting. It affords much light on the subject, and is worthy of very serious attention. As imperfec, tion is attached to every human production, we could perhaps point out some particular passages which might well have been omitted; but we prefer recommending the book, as it is, to the perusal of Christians; and it is our opinion that no humble, intelligent Christian can read it with candor and care without being convinced that war is perfectly unjustifiable and antichris. tian. In view of the golden rule the author thus reasons:

"Now if we wish men to be kind and forbearing to us, we must be kind and forbearing to them. If we wish them to return love for hatred and good for evil, then we must return love for hatred and good for evil. If we

wish not to be injured by men, then we must not injure them; if we wish not to be killed, then we must not kill." p. 69. We have also received a pamphlet, entitled "The life of man inviolable by the laws of Christ, shown in two sermons, delivered at Colchester, Conn, March 19, 1815, by Aaron Cleveland." The command "Thou shalt not kill," as contained in Rom. xiii. 9, is the text for both sermons. This writer considers the prohibition as literally binding in every case, except when God expressly suspends it for some important purpose. In other words, he supposes there is no case in which one man may lawfully take the life of another without a command from God so to do. The words of God to Noah, "Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed," have generally been considered as authorizing the taking of the life of a murderer. But this writer regards them as of the nature of a divine threatening or curse, importing "the general fate of warriors," or bloody men; the same as the words of our Savior, "He that taketh the sword shall perish by the sword." But his views may be best expressed in his own language:

"All the wars and all the killing of men spoken of in the Old Testament, were acts of murder, excepting in the instances of God's command; and even in such instances, where the love of neighbor was extinct, murder was com. mitted, whatever seeming obedience, there might have been in the outward actions." p. 7.

"Thou shalt not kill, is an inviolable law in Christ's kingdom; nor is it possible to argue in favor of killing in any case whatever, but only on the forbid den ground of doing evil that good may come; according to the infidel maxím, that the end will justify the "ibid.

means.

His reasoning is forcible and im. pressive; and so far as it relates to war, it is, we think, undoubtedly conclusive. Perhaps it is so in respect to taking the life of a murderer. Some considerations have occurred, not mentioned by this writer, which appear of weight. If war is unjustifiable, it is

certainly murderous; and if we say that the life of the murderer ought to be taken by his fellow men, where shall we stop? What a multitude are now living who ought to be put to death!

It will probably be pleaded, that those who have made war, and those who have killed others in war, have been seduced by custom, passion and prejudice. This is granted; and in how many cases might as good a plea have been made in behalf of malefactors who have suffered death? So far as the delusions of passion and prejudice may be urged in favor of lenity, they may doubtless be pleaded in behalf of those who are denominated murderers by the laws of the land, as well as in be half of warmakers, and those who act under their influence.

• It will probably be admitted by all, that murderers are not to be put to death by men merely on the ground that they are guilty. If the safety of others and the good of community do not require their death, their lives should not be taken by men; they should be allowed as long a space for repentance as the God of mercy is pleased to give them. Two questions then occur: 1. Whether some mode of confinement may not be sufficient for the safety of others and the good of the state, and of course preferable to taking the life of the criminal? And 2. Whether taking his life for the safety of others and the good of the state, be not in fact doing evil that good may come? Mr. Cleveland takes the affirmative of the latter question, and asserts his opinion with confidence.

In answer to the important question, "how far may a christian go in self-defence?" he says "I lay it down as an axiom founded on the whole tenor of the gospel, and which per*fectly accords with that martyr spirit which every christian ought to possess, that we may do any thing to save life, liberty or property from the unprincipled hand of the assailant, which we are confident he himself would thankfully approbate were his heart right with God. Such efforts, such resistance, no doubt the gospel fully Banctions, but nothing further"-"No

moment," he says, "is allowed us in the whole scheme of the gospel in which we may cease to love our enemy in such a sense as not to regard his best good; therefore not a moment is allowed us to take his life." pp. 10, 11.

Among the Tracts sent to us on the subject of War, there is one containing two letters by Thomas Parsons, a minister of the Baptist society in England, and another letter by I. Scott, together with the "Sentiments of Early Christians." The letters are written not only with ability, but with a most amiable spirit. The pamphlet was published in this country in 1814, by A. Shearman, jun. of New Bedford. We should be happy to give extracts from it if our limits would permit.

We have still one pamphlet to mention, entitled a "Memorial of the Re ligious Society of Friends to the Legislature of Virginia on the militia laws, with a letter from Benjamin Bates, bearer of the Memorial, to a member of the Legislature." The object, both of the memorial and the letter, was to obtain a revision of the militia laws, which subjected the Friends to military service, or to penalties for noncompliance. This tract is the smallest of the number we have mentioned, but it is not surpassed by any other in perspicuity and force. Indeed we have seldom seen from any sect a more pertinent and forcible vindication of the rights of conscience. We cannot refrain from giving our readers one or two short extracts from the let. ter of Mr. Bates.

"But of what avail under any form of government is the attempt to en slave the mind? As soon would the Academy devise means to arrest or control the revolutions of the solar system, as the legislature of any country find laws that would bind the free spirit of man. How long has tyranny tor. tured its invention, and varied the ap paratus for discovering this grand de. sideratum! Creeds, tests and anathemas have been tried. Stripes, fetters and dungeons have done their best. Racks, flames and gibbets have exhausted all their powers, and all have ended in miserable disappoint.

ment. And is it not difficult to con. ceive how the notion ever came to be entertained on this side the Atlantic? The genius of our country did not borrow even the mildest feature of such a system; and it is certainly not congenial with our habits of thinking, to suppose that the mind may be fet tered by putting a chain upon the leg, or that a man's heart can be divested of its convictions by a warrant to take his cattle." pp. 14, 15.

From the plea it appears, that the legislature had contrived to have the Friends pay their fines for the neglect of military service under the name of a school tax. In reference to this the writer observes:-"Have I any objection to the support of schools? Far from it-I should rejoice to see knowledge and virtue diffused among the lower classes of society. I would cheerfully pay an equal tax for the purpose, and might be disposed to encourage it by a voluntary contribu

tion. But when I pay a partial taxa fine, I am neither discharging the common duties of a citizen, nor do ing an act of benevolence; I am paying what is considered by the government as a debt; and for what consid eration? plainly for being allowed the liberty of conscience. But I do not desire the liberty of conscience from the government; I hold it by a tenure antecedent to the institution of civil society-it was secured to me in the social compact, and was never submitted to the legislature at all. They have therefore no privilege to grant or withhold at their pleasure, and certainly no pretence of right or authority to sell it for a price. It appears then, that this exclusive tax for the support of schools is a groundless and oppressive demand. It is a muster fine in disguise, and violates the very principle it seemed to respect." Pp. 15, 16.

"INDEED the zeal with which young persons of both sexes and the laboring orders of society, have enlisted themselves in the cause of missions has greatly encouraged and animated your committee." "The awful condition of the heathen world is made known; the perishing state of our sixty or seventy millions of fellow subjects begins to be understood: the obligation under which we lie, of imparting to them and to all men, the inestimable treasures of the gospel is felt on all sides: the honor of our Divine Savior is seen to be involved in the winning of conquests for Him from the empire of sin. These topics animate more than ever they did the pub. lic ministrations of the church; they are carried home with us to our families; they enter into the daily prayers which we offer with them to the Father of mercies, and we bear them on our hearts in our secret approaches to his throne. The more competent feel constrained to give of their abundance;

the superfluous ornament is sacrificed; the convenience not indispensable is surrendered; the guinea is given where none was given before, and it is dou bled where but one was before bestow. ed."

“And are not the most salutary effects on our children to be looked for from these their exertions? Their susceptible minds will be soon awakened, their tendencies to selfishness will be corrected, the value of religion will become palpable. An adequate motive is presented for their laying by a portion of their little income, the best feelings of their simple minds receive a right impulse; and an opening is made, under the blessing of God, for those principles of piety which may be their guard and their ornament through their future lives.

"The progress of the society has been like the sudden start of youth into manhood. Its average income for the preceding 13 years, since its formation, did not reach 2,000l. per an