canus, Hermannus Renecherus*, Buchanan', Christopher Goodman, Brutus Celta", Francisc. Hottoman, the author of the book called Speculum Tyrannidis Philippi Regis, and the Dialogue of Philadelphus P: and if any one would see more of these, he may find enough of them in the writings of that excellent and prudent prelate Dr. Bancroft archbishop of Canterbury. 4. Concerning the pretences of the church of Rome, they are as invalid as can be wished. For although there are some overtures of Scripture made, as Tibi dabo claves,' and Ecce duo gladii,' and Pasce oves,' which are strange argue ments to considering persons to prove the pope superior to kings-and concerning them I shall not need to use any argument, but set down the words of the Bishop of Maestricht in an excellent oration of his recorded by Aventine: "Ambitiosi et superbi sunt qui illud Domini deique nostri elogium, quodcunque solveris super terram, &c. et quodcunque ligaveris erit ligatum,' &c. perfricta fronte interpretando adulterant, suæ libidini servire cogunt, et nobis ceu pueris et omnium rerum imperitis, astu illudere student." "They that expound such words of Christ to serve their pride or lust of empire, are impudent, and think us to be fools and children, and fit to be cozened and fooled out of our senses:"-Yet these arguments were made no use of to any such purpose for many ages after the apostles' death; and therefore, upon wiser accounts, they cause this great article to rely upon some prudential motives, and some great precedents and examples. The particulars I shall consider in the following numbers: but that which here lies in my way, is their great boast of the fact of Pope Zachary deposing Childeric king of France in the year 750, and appointing Pepin the king's marshal to be king in his room. Upon the warranty of this example Gregory VII,' endeavoured to justify his proceedings against the emperor Henry IV, Bellarmine will not endure with patience to hear, that any one did this feat but the Pope only; and on all hands they contend mightily that it was he, and not the nobles and i Loci Comm. Theol. 1 De Jure Regni apud Scotos. n De Jure Magistratuum. P Dial. 2. p. 65, k Observat. in Psal. i. q Lib. 5. Annal. Boior. Epist. ad Perimannum Epis. Metens. people of France. They indeed were willing, but they had no authority, therefore they appealed to him as the ordinary judge; and he declared for Pepin, and God declared for that judgment that it was according to his will: for the event was blessed, Pepin was prosperous, and his son Charles the Great grew a mighty prince, and France a potent empire, and religion and the church had great increment and more advantages than before or since. 5. But when men judge of actions by the events, they only show themselves willing to be cozened by prosperity, and that they will endure nothing that hath affliction with it: but so they become advocates for the greatest villanies, because they could never come to their greatness if they were unprosperous. And therefore there is no judging of lawful or unlawful by the event, till the last event be tried: and at the day of our death and at the day of judgment, the event of things is the best argument and the best trial of right and wrong. But besides this, the folly of these men is infinitely seen in this very instance. For it is no wonder that the church of Rome was prosperous and did thrive. upon that change: Pepin and Pope Zachary helped one another and divided the spoil; and Pepin and Charles having no warranty and reputation in that treasonable surprise of the crown of France, but what they had from the opinion the world then had of the Bishop of Rome, it concerned Charles to advance the papacy, that the papacy might support him. But "by all that is before him in this world, a man knows not whether he be worthy of love or hatred," saith Solomon: and a man's fortune is seen in his children:' and therefore if the pope's servants would look a little further than their own advantages, they might have considered what is observed by Paulus Æmilius and Beneventus of Imola, that in the days of Charles the Great, who was son to Pepin, the empire was divided (which was the curse in which God punished Solomon in the person of Rehoboam); that his son Ludovicus Pius was served just as his grandfather served his master the king: for his son Lotharius did most unnaturally rebel against him, deposed him and thrust him into a cloister; and that he himself felt the judgment of God, for himself also was deposed, and succeeded to by Lewis II., who was prosperous in nothing, but in every undertaking the wind blew in his face. His son was 'Ludovicus nihili,' so they called him; a cipher of a king, and stood for nothing. He indeed left an heir to the crown: but he also was a man that had no heart, and his son had no head; for Charles the Bald was an extreme pitiful coward, and Charles le Gros was a fool. After these succeeded Arnulph, who was eaten up with lice, the sad disease of Herod; and in his son Lewis IV. that race was quite extinguished. And now if we judge of things by the event, have we not great reason, even upon this account, to suspect the fact of Zachary (though it was not his authority, but his consent and his confederacy with the rebel) to be extremely displeasing to Almighty God, when there was not one of his line but went away with a share of the divine anger? But such reasonings as these concern none but them who feel them; they may suspect the thing, and better examine their confidences, when they feel any extraordinary evils, which most commonly are the consequents of a great sin and a mighty displeasure. But others are to do as they should have done at first, go by rule, and not venture upon the thing to see what will become of it. Being now quit of this by which they have made so much noise, all their other little arguments will soon melt away, when they come to be handled. 6. But as for the other pretenders (viz. those of the Presbytery) to a power superior to kings in ecclesiastical government; they have not yet proved themselves to have received from Christ any power at all, to govern in his church; and therefore much less by virtue of any such power to rule over kings. I do therefore suppose these gentlemen not much concerned in this question, because they are incapable of making claim; not only because religion is no pretence to regalities, and that spiritual power is of a nature wholly different from the power of kings; but because if the spiritual were to be above the temporal, yet even then they are not the better. For they have not only none of that spiritual power, which can pretend to government, but it does not yet appear, that they have any at all: and this relies upon the infinite demonstrations of episcopal government and power; which being one of the words and works of Christ, must needs be as firm as heaven and earth. But if they be concerned, they will be concluded. 7. And first in general, it is necessary that the supreme power of kings or states should be governors in religion, or else they are but half-kings at the best,-for the affairs of religion are one half of the interest of mankind: and therefore the laws of the Twelve Tables made provision for religion as well as for the public interest. Jus triplex, tabulæ quod ter sanxere quaternæ, Sacrum, privatum, et populi coinmune quod usquam est1. And this is so naturally and unalterably entailed upon the supreme power, that when Attalus, the king of the Pergamenians, made the people of Rome his heir with these words only, "Populus Romanus bonorum meorum hæres esto," "Let the people of Rome be heir of all my goods;" by his goods' they understood, "divina humanaque, publica et privata," saith Eutropius", and Florus *; "all power in things public and private, human and divine." For since religion is that great intercourse between God and us, it is impossible to deny to him, who stands next to God, the care of that by which we approach nearest to him; and this I learned from Justin": "Jure ille à Diis proximus habetur, per quem Deorum majestas vindicatur;" "He is rightly placed next under God, by whom the majesty of God is asserted."—And therefore the Christians must alter their style, and no more say that the prince is "homo a Deo secundus, et solo Deo minor" (which are the words of Tertullian), "next to God, and only less than him," if between God and the prince there is all that great distance and interval of the government of religion. He is the best and greatest person, that rules the best and greatest interest: and it was rightly observed of St Paul concerning controversies civil, for money or land, "Set them to judge, who are least esteemed amongst you ;" that is, of the least concern: but he that is judge of life and death, that is, the governor of bodies, and he that governs the greatest affairs of souls, he indeed ought to be of highest estimation. Bishops and priests are the great ministers of religion, but kings are the apxnyoì, the great rulers and go • Cum jus conferendi opima sacerdotia ab Henrico Imp. vi fuerat extortum, ea res (inquit Paulus Æmilius, lib. 5.) multum virium imperatoriæ majestati detraxit in animis popularium, plus enim quam dimidium suæ jurisdictionis perdidit. t Auson. Idyl. 11. Delphin. pag. 346. u iv. 18. Verheyk, pag. 199. y viii. 2. 7. Wetzel. pag. 122. x iii. 12. 3. Duker, pag. 545. z 1 Cor. vi. vernors of it. And this is easy to distinguish. For as the king's judges and counsel learned in the law minister law to the people, yet the king is the supreme judge in law; and the king's captains and soldiers fight his battles, and yet he is 'summus imperator,' and the power of the militia is his;so it is in religion; it must be ministered by persons ordained to the service, but governed by himself: he is not supreme, unless he have all the power of government. 8. (2.) The care of religion must needs belong to the supreme magistrate, because religion is the great instrument of political happiness: "Ad magnas reipublicæ utilitates retinetur religio in civitatibus," saith Cicero2; and unless he have power to manage and conduct it, and to take care it be rightly ordered, the supreme power hath not sufficient to defend his charges. If the prince cannot conduct his religion, he is a supreme prince just as if he had not the militia; or as if he were judge of right but not of wrong; or as if he could reward but not punish; or as if he had cognizance but of one half of the causes of his people; or as if he could rule at land but not at sea, or by night but not by day. But now if an enemy comes with a fleet against him, will he send a brigade of horse to take a squadron of ships? The case is just the same; for if God breaks in upon a nation for the evil administration of religion, how shall the prince defend his people or answer to God for them? And this is no inconsiderable necessity for besides that justice and charity, and temperance and chastity, and doing good and avoiding evil, are parts of religion, and yet great material parts of government and the laws, the experience of mankind and natural reason teach us, that nothing is so great a security or ruin to a state as the well or ill administration of religion. Di multa neglecti dederunt and Cicero", "Omnia prospera eveniunt colentibus deos, adversa spernentibus;" "The people that have care of religion, are prosperous; but unhappy, when they are irreligious." Συνέχει δῶμα, saith Euripides; and a Horat. Od. iii. 6, 7. c In Bacchis. 386. and in Supplic. 383. z De Divinat. 2. cap. 33. Davis, Rath. pag. 214. b Orat. 5. in Verrem. |