sessed of, to stand this provocation."

It required a deal of shoving and shouldering to make them angry, even when their heads were knocked together; they only scratched them, and looked sulky. Persistence, however, succeeded in the end; and though it requires a deal of boiling to do it, even German blood can be warmed at last.

The introduction of Italy into the piece was too much for Austrian patience; and the French Emperor accurately calculated the exact moment to add this ingredient to the mixture.

As O'Connell used to call England's difficulty Ireland's opportunity, so Italian statesmen have long deemed that whatever should embarrass Austria would be the crisis of their fortune. There was certainly nothing in the Prussian policy towards the Duchies, nothing in M. Bismark's character or career, that should have conciliated public feeling in Italy. His overbearing treatment of the Parliament alone might well have shocked a people who have so trustfully thrown in their lot with representative government. They were not, however, going to look too closely either into the morals or the views of the man who was willing to help them. Idem velle et idem nolle proved, as in former times, its claim to be called true friendship.

dealing with her he has shown that he expects a certain deference to his wishes in all she does, and that whatever of independent action she exercises must be ever in subordination to his wider policy.

The great probability then is that Prince Napoleon's mission here was concerted with the Emperor, but in such a way as to pledge the Imperial Court to nothing, and to leave the Emperor free to make the declaration, which we have seen, of perfect neutrality. And this declaration of neutrality was an actual necessity of the situation, since by it alone was Austria drawn on to defy both Prussia and Italy. The whole endeavour of Austrian diplomacy during the winter has been to learn the intentions of France. A variety of little courtesies have been interchanged between the two Courts of Paris and Vienna. The peculiar favour extended to the Austrian Ambassador, Prince Metternich, always regarded as significant of a sovereign's dispositions, was heard at Vienna with rapturous delight, and offered by the public newspapers as the best contradiction to the Prussian accounts of Bismark's gracious reception by the Emperor. Austria, therefore confident of the good intentions of France towards her, went boldly forward, and asserted a policy of high and haughty defiance. No sooner was she so far pledged to this that retreat involved national Now, the most difficult point to dishonour, than the Emperor slyly investigate in the whole of this hints to Prince Metternich that the tangled skein is,-how far France neutrality of France must be relent herself to or opposed this Ital- garded as contained within certain ian movement That the Florence limits, which limits the Emperor Cabinet were encouraged and were himself was the sole judge of. As stimulated by Prince Napoleon for the conference, I suppose it is clear enough; but that he was originated with us. At least, it the exponent of the Emperor's in- has the true Downing Street smack tentions is not so evident. In fact, of weakness and impracticability the game which the French Empe- about it. The Emperor accepted ror has played towards Italy must it because he knew it would never always render his policy mysterious. come off. There are things one He has neither checked the growth, must assent to in this world, rather nor accepted with cordiality the than seem more hard-hearted or development of Italy. In every less considerate than one's neigh

bours. Peace is such an excellent Mondes;' and if what they say be thing that you really must listen true, it is a very cruel thing to perrespectfully even to twaddle in its sist in keeping some millions of favour. The only question was, people miserable merely to mainwhen the laudation had been con- tain the integrity of a settlement cluded and the panegyric completed, which every one has sketched acwho was to say how this same peace cording to his own convenience, was to be accomplished? what and of which the very essential possible arrangement there was by element has been formally abanwhich everybody was to be robbed, doned.

and nobody the poorer ?

Telling Austria that she would From the window where I write be better and stronger and more this there stretches away beneath secure without a province whose me a rich lawn-I have no better people she has never learned to word for it-covered with olives conciliate, and whose loyalty she and fig-trees and stunted mulberries, cannot gain, is a very hopeless around which the clustering vines line of argument. There is not a have twisted themselves in every sentence they have written on this graceful shape. A little rivulet theme that would not read as meanders through the grassy mead plausibly, inserting the word Engamongst wild anemones and tulips. land for Austria, and for Venice The whole air is balmy with ver- substituting Ireland - with this bena and jessamine, and a little difference, that the disaffection of culture only is needed to make the Venice is an affair of fifty years, spot a paradise. I verily believe that of Ireland of more than five the owner has neither taste nor in- hundred; and now will any one tell clination to do anything for it. I me, that with all our love for a conhave, however; and every day that gress, Lord Clarendon would be I arise, and sit down to gaze at it, likely to go over to Paris to hear I envy him the possession, and think the Foreign Secretaries of the Conwhat it might become in better tinent discuss what compensation, hands than his. The peasants that if any at all, should be given to till the ground tell me, too, he is a England in lieu of Ireland, and hard master, and say how they wish whether something in the Caucasus I was the padrone. The owner, might not be found which would however, has his title-deeds - suit her just as well? claim to the property is merely Now, I do not by this mean that sympathy. This is my Venice the Italians are not to obtain this is the possession which, should Venice. All I say is, Let them take it fall to me, every one would be it if they can. War rescinds all the happier and the better-all but treaties; and if Italy be strong that Austrian despot that has the enough to conquer a territory right to it. whose sympathies are with her, The worst thing-the very worst where her tongue is spoken, and thing in the Austrian tenure of her nationality loved, I think it Venice, is the spirit of the day in would be hard to prevent her; but which the issue is raised. It is an I also think that the effort ought age of inquiry and of unbelief. to be all her own.

my

It

Rationalism has got into politics The enthusiasm of the Italians as well as into religion, and there is very great at this moment. are diplomatic Colensos who dis- is a thing one should see to form pute the divine authority of trea- any just conception of. The whole ties. It is very dreadful to think nation is volunteering, and if a of, but it cannot be helped. There great popular uprising means but they are, writing away in the De- one-half of what it pretends, there bats' and the Revue des Deux is that in the present movement

VOL C.-NO. DCIX.

H

That the

which ought to sweep a foreign have been astonishing. army into the sea. I do not un- ships will co-operate powerfully dervalue this, nor do I put too with the land forces, there is no much faith in it. If, in the first doubt; and from the character of shock of battle with the Austrians, Persano, who commands them, and the Italians are the victors, the the spirit and zeal of the officers success will be better to them than under him, much may be expected. fifty thousand men. If they be In all Italy, however, from the worsted, I have no words to say Alps to the Bay of Naples, there is what the defeat will cost. If the not one, be he regular or Gariarmy had all been recruited from baldian, who longs with such imthe North, Piedmont, and Lom- patience for the struggle as the bardy, a first success would not King. His whole heart and soul have this importance. It is with is in the campaign; and I verily bethe Tuscan, and still more with lieve he could not receive a greater the Neapolitan, levies, this confi- shock than were he to be told todence is essential. morrow on waking that Venice was his own without a fight for it.

Garibaldi will be again in the field; his operations, it is said, It is a most exciting moment— will be either in the Italian Tyrol the interest is intense, and would or on the Adriatic shores, perhaps be still greater if one could be sure both. It is confidently asserted that the crafty dodger of the Tuilthat he will meet great support in eries was not making his book to Illyria and Dalmatia; and certainly win on either event, and certain the Austrians show by their pre- to draw the stakes, no matter who parations that they are not indiffer- gained the prize. ent to the dangers that menace Gossip already has it that Sathem in these quarters. The only vona, the port nearest Genoa, and incontestable superiority Italy pos- the surrounding territory, is to be sesses over Austria is at sea. Her the price of French assistance; and fleet is immeasurably stronger and thus it is that France creeps slowly better than the Austrian-her iron- but steadily on into Italian soil. clads are larger, more powerful in I wonder would it be stretching steam, more heavily armed, and prediction too far to say that the better manned. Considering the day may come when Italy will ask shortness of the time, the efforts Austria's aid to drive the French Italy has made in this direction out of the Peninsula ?

WHAT SHALL WE DO FOR COAL?

Air-"Ioly goode Ale and olde."

WITH furnace fierce in forge and mill,
And steamships on the foam,

And trains that sweep through vale and hill,
And roaring fires at home,

In warmth and wealth while we rejoice,

Nor heed the risk we run,

Geology, with warning voice,

Says, "Coal will soon be done :

Then forge and mill must all stand still,
And trains no longer roll,

Nor longer float the swift steamboat;
O! what shall we do for Coal?

"For countless ages forests dark
Grew thick o'er Britain's isle;
For countless ages wood and bark
Lay deep beneath her soil.

The old black diamond may appear

As though 'twould ne'er give o'er; But seventy million tons a-year

Will soon exhaust the store:

Then forge and mill must all stand still,
And trains no longer roll,

Nor longer float the swift steamboat;
O! what shall we do for Coal?

"Our goods by horse and cart must go,
By coach-and-four the mail;

Our travellers walk, swim, ride, or row,
And steam give place to sail;

From wind and water we must try

To draw what help we can,

While sticks and straw our clothes must dry,

And boil the pot and pan;

And forge and mill must all stand still,
And trains no longer roll,

Nor longer float the swift steamboat:
O! what shall we do for Coal?"

If Britain's hopes on Coal depend,
Her race is wellnigh run;
Decline and fall her realm attend,
As soon as Coal is done:
Yet Britain flourished long before
Her treasures black were found;

And worth and valour, as of yore,

'Gainst wealth may hold their ground.

Though forge and mill should all stand still,
Cheer up, each valiant soul!

While Britain can breed British Man,

We never need care for Coal!

THE COLLAPSE.

the

was

OUR readers will do us the justice Administration was at issue, to remember that we have never that failure in what they proposed, expressed but one opinion in regard besides driving Lord Russell and to the certain destiny of the Govern- Mr Gladstone out of office, would ment Reform Bill the probable break up the great Liberal party into fate of its authors. Notwithstand- fragments. These once separated ing all that occurred both before could never be brought together and after the Easter recess, it was again; and henceforth Whigs would clear as the sun at noonday, that stand apart from Radicals, moderate not only would the Government men from men of extreme opinions, not carry their measure this session, Liberal Churchmen from Dissenters. but that they could scarcely them- Such had been their tone, whether selves hope to carry it. No doubt speaking or writing, from they managed to steer their rotten bark through difficulties, the very least of which might have been expected to swamp it. Beaten in argument from first to last; outvoted on one not unimportant occasion; commanding, when the first fragmentary bill was read for the second time, a majority so narrow that the stanchest of their friends did not know what to make of it; deserted by the respectable portion of the metropolitan press, and securing no support which could be of use to them from public meetings, either in London or the provinces;they still held to their scheme with a tenacity of purpose which was worthy of a better cause, till, having forced it into Committee, they there fought the battle of details, and hectored and bullied as Ministers never hectored and bullied before, in order to carry clause after clause with which no human being so much as professed to be entirely satisfied. Tactics like these were, it must be admitted, at once novel and adventurous; yet, looking at the matter from a Ministerial point of view, we cannot say that they were at all out of season. The Government knew all along that the game which they were about to play must be a desperate one. They had no chance of winning unless they could induce the House of Commons to believe that much more than the existence of a Liberal

day that they came into power; while as yet nothing more allowed to transpire of their intended policy than that it should be based on a measure of Parliamentary Reform. And so, when the battle came fairly to be joined, they proceeded at once to make their actions correspond to their words. It must be with them a race against time, or nothing would come of it. They could not afford to give their followers breathing space to consider how far the assertions which they taught their penny newspapers to reiterate had any touch of reason in them. And when, to their amazement, proof was afforded that there were those upon their own side of the House who saw the matter in a different light, only the more were they on that account compelled to cast considerations of prudence to the winds. On no account must the suspicion be permitted to extend that the gulf which divides Constitutional from Democratic Liberalism is far wider and deeper than that which interposes between Whiggery of the old school and modern Conservatism. The life of the party must be represented as hanging in the balance; and that delusion could be kept up only by pressing the bulk of their adherents into a pace so rapid, that they should be unable to see clearly whither they were going.