offences winked at, or committed with impunity, is far less likely to obey his parents or his teacher, than he would be if he were made to feel his responsibility to public law, and saw others held to the like account. And when the temptation comes, to venture upon some high-handed offence, to mingle in scenes of plunder and carnage, or even to turn the muzzle of a cannon upon the dwellings or persons of unoffending and helpless citizens, such a youth may be relied on to do that fearful deed, and will have been nerved to it by those who winked at his earlier and comparatively venial violations of wholesome laws. In the old cities of Europe dreadful experience has led to the correction of some of the evils to which we have just alluded. The end of them has been more than once revealed in scenes that make humanity shudder. However anti-republican it may be, necessity has been laid upon them to provide for the public peace and safety by stringent enactments, and a severe administration of them. If groups of boys and idle youth upon the public walks, or at places of public resort, are found to lead or even tempt to violations of law or to disturbances of peace and quiet, they are not left to grow and extend till they become unmanageable. Whatever may be said of 'the right to stand where we choose,' and 'the right to keep what company we please,' the evil is nipped in the bud. If voluntary associations for some public service, as the extinguishment of fires, &c. are found to be inconsistent with the peace and order of the community, such associations are not left to strengthen themselves and gain the ascendancy over the popular will. The evil is nipped in the bud. The associations are quietly dissolved, and the duty is assumed by the government. The grand feature of a wise system of police is its preventive efficacy. It makes the law supreme and active at those points where the evil design is matured and the early experiments in crime are attempted. With us, such a use of authority would be impatiently borne, if not boldly resisted; and hence, if we had schools for the very class of youth that are provided for by the Ragged Schools of London, it is quite problematical whether the attempt to control them would not involve us in difficulties too serious to be encountered; yet it cannot be disguised, that this very fact furnishes the most deplorable evidence of the need of such schools, or of some other kindred influence."

The Genius of Scotland; or Sketches of Scottish Scenery, Literature and Religion. By Rev. Robert Trumbull. New York. A. Carter. 1847. 12mo. pp. 379.

Mr. Trumbull is a minister of the Baptist Church in Hartford, favourably known as a preacher and author. His volume upon Scotland is highly interesting, and will be a welcome gift to all Scotsmen and to their descendants or admirers. The biographical sketches of Knox, Burns, Wilson, Chalmers, Bruce, Hogg, and Scott, are particularly to be noted. Mr. Trumbull writes like a scholar, a man of refinement, and a Christian.

Thankfulness, and other Essays. By the Rev. James Hamilton. New York. R. Carter. 1847. 18mo.

To those who are acquainted with Mr. Hamilton's writings, his name will be enough: to those who are not, we say, that he is one of the most pleasing religious writers of the age, and that these are among his happiest effusions. His delightful sketch of McCheyne reminds us, that the works of this gifted servant of Christ are about to be issued from the same press, in two octavos.

Meditations on the Lord's Prayer. By A. Bonnet, author of the "Family of Bethany," etc. Translated from the French by the Rev. William Hare. New York. Robert Carter. 1847. 18mo. pp. 241.

FROM the former works of this author, and from such inspection of this volume as we have been able to bestow on it, just before going to press, we are disposed to believe it a simple, attractive, scriptural, and affectionate exposition of the Lord's Prayer.

The Christian Pulpit the rightful guardian of Morals, in political no less than in private life. A discourse delivered at Gettysburg, November 26, the day appointed by the Governor, for public humiliation, thanksgiving and prayer. By S. S. Schmucker, D.D. Published by a committee of the audience. Gettysburg. 1846. 8vo. pp. 32.

In this discourse upon Paul's reasoning before Felix, (Acts xxiv. 25,) the preacher undertakes to show "the obligation of the Christian pulpit" to act as the guardian of political no less

than of personal morality, and "to exhibit the prominent instructions which it is her (?) duty to inculcate." The obligation is argued from the fact that Christianity is "enthroned above all science," "as the handmaid of universal knowledge;" from our relation to God as the fountain of our political rights no less than of others; from the responsibility extending to political as well as other action; from the political instructions of the Bible itself. These are described as consisting not in directions as to mere party politics, nor in the inculcation of an indiscriminate and unprincipled patriotism, nor in that of a blind valour or bravery; but in the revelation of God as the ruler of all nations, and the consequent duty of thanksgiving and humiliation; and the precedence due to the divine over human laws. The second duty to be inculcated is that of recognising the universal brotherhood and equality of man in civil rights, including impartiality in selecting the best qualified men for office and also in the enactment of laws, as well as abstinence from all encroachments on the rights of others. The Christian pulpit is also to inculcate the obligation of moral principles on public men, especially the inviolability of official oaths and national engagements, as well as the doctrine of national retributions in the present life. In the conclusion of the sermon, the duty of Christians in relation to this matter is urged with great solemnity.

Remonstrance against the course pursued by the Evangelical Alliance on the subject of Slavery. New York. 8vo. pp. 16. 1847. THIS is a protest and remonstrance addressed "to the Christian Abolitionists of Great Britain and Ireland, who met at Freemasons' Hall, London, August 18, 1846, to form an Evangelical Alliance." The remonstrants are the Executive Committee of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, among whose names are those of Arthur Tappan, Lewis Tappan, S. S. Jocelyn, William Jay, Arnold Buffom, Samuel E. Cornish, and Theodore S. Wright. The leading points of the address are, that the writers reckon this the great work of the present age, and regard as the great difficulty in its way the settled policy of the churches to let slavery alone; that a marked advance in public opinion here has been produced by the non-intercourse of British Christians, not only with slaveholders, but with all who cannot give

satisfactory assurance of their zealous adhesion to the anti-slavery cause; that in order to neutralize this effect it was necessary to separate Christians in Great Britain from American Abolitionists; that this, if not the original design, has become one of the objects of the Evangelical Alliance; that the first resolution of that body on the subject, shields the conscience of the slaveholder by an undue concession; that the final abrogation of it must be regarded as an open triumph of slavery over the religious principles of the age; that the British abolitionists were deceived by the American delegates, who did not represent the active and effective Christian anti-slavery feeling, but the leading ecclesiastical and political influence, of the United States; that they have not come home prepared to do any thing effectual for the overthrow of slavery; that they will do nothing religiously because slavery is political, nothing politically because it is religious; that in forming the alliance, the British members have virtually consented to hold fellowship with slaveholders, and to tolerate "the embruting of the image of God, the chattelizing of the representatives of Christ;" that the British organization has retrieved its error, but cannot extricate the General Alliance from the difficulty in which irresolution has involved it; that the lost opportunity can never be recovered; and as a practical conclusion of the whole, that there had better be no attempt at an organized alliance of Christian union until that auspicious period, &c. &c. The only thing new in this "remonstrance" is its decency and moderation, which would seem to show how British authority, even when exerted on the wrong side, can paralyze the boldest tongues and pens.

The Character of the Gentleman. An Address to the students of Miami University, on the evening before Commencement Day, in the month of August, 1846. By Francis Lieber, Professor of Political Philosophy and Economy in South Carolina College, author of Political Ethics, &c. Columbia and Charleston. 1847. 12mo. pp. 110.

THE republication of an Academical address so soon after its appearance, is a strong proof that its subject was well chosen and well treated. We refer to the notice in a former number, simply adding for the present that the learned author appears to have spared no pains to improve upon himself, and that the execution of the work is highly creditable to the Southern press.

The Relations of Christianity to War, and the Portraiture of a Christian Soldier. A discourse delivered on occasion of the first Commencement of the Citadel Academy. By the Rev. Thomas Smyth, D.D. Charleston. 1847. Svo. pp. 33. THE double text of this discourse is Matthew xxiv. 6, and Jeremiah xlvii. 6,7, from which the doctrine is derived, that war is inevitable, not only as the result of the divine counsel, but also as a means to an ultimate end, and that war is under the direction of Divine Providence. In opposition to the "ultraism” of the day, it is maintained that both the physical and moral world are full of strife; that this is the fruit of man's corruption and inseparable from it; that war, though in itself an evil and arising from evil, may be considered an ordinance of God; that selfdefence is as much an ordinance of God as civil government; that war is punishment; that the Bible does not absolutely condemn war for purposes purely civil; that Christianity nevertheless provides for the ultimate cessation of war; that it acts upon war just as it acts upon despotism; that all men are bound to contribute to this blessed change; that in the meantime the profession of a soldier must continue; that its highest perfection is dependent upon Christian influence; that true patriotism is, like true politeness, the offspring of true piety; in proof of which we are referred to the example of General Burns, Colonel Blackader, Colonel Gardner, and General Washington. It is gratifying that such sentiments as these should have been so received at a military school as to lead to the publication of the sermon which contained them.

The Christian Sabbath. An Argument from the New Testament for the Divine Authority of the Christian Sabbath. By Alfred Hamilton, Minister of the Presbyterian Church at Faggs' Manor. Philadelphia. 12mo. pp. 20.

THIS is a clear and compact piece of reasoning. After denying that the observance of a religious day can be obligatory without scriptural authority, and asserting that without the Sabbath the new dispensation is inferior to the old, Mr. Hamilton explains the want of any new enactment on the subject by our Saviour, from the permanence of all the ancient moral institutions, and proves the moral character of this from its conjunction with other moral precepts and from the moral effects of its vio