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NOTE.

In our number for January of this year, we gave a short notice of Rev. J. R. Boyd's Eclectic Moral Philosophy, in which, after expressing a very favourable opinion of the work as a text book, we stated in pretty strong terms our dissent from the author's remarks on American slavery. We learn that the respected writer thinks that we misapprehended his meaning, and have done him great injustice. Instead of regarding all slave-holding as sinful, and a bar to church fellowship; instead of dissenting from the decisions of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, on this subject; or from the ground taken by the American delegates to the Evangelical Alliance, and the General Assembly of the Free Church of Scotland; he informs us that he "decidedly and most explicitly" teaches that all slaveholding is not sinful, and that he "does not dissent from the pro-. ceedings of the American Board, &c., just referred to, but considers them wise, appropriate and Christian." This being the case, we have certainly greatly misapprehended his position. We know not how we can more effectually repair any injustice. we have done our friend, than by copying from his letter to us, his own account of the ground taken in his book on the subject of slavery.

"My plan is," he says, "to exhibit American slavery, as defined by slave laws, as defined by the wisest legislators of the South -the entire South,-as defined by a very prominent anti-abolitionist, in a very orthodox anti-abolitionist periodical, the African Repository (see p. 365). Having thus shown the nature, or essential characteristics of American slavery as a system established by law, all my remarks bear upon it as such, professedly and designedly as such it is contrasted with the spirit and letter of the Eighth Commandment, and proved to be criminal-opposed to scripture precept and to the benevolent tendencies of the gospel. "Having proceeded thus far, and plain scripture light having guided me thus far, in the articles 770, 771, 773; I have taken ground in direct opposition to 'the embodied fanaticism of England,' and altogether diverse from that which a large mass of our northern abolitionists would approve. I have asserted accordingly that 'it seems not to be fair or right to denounce every man

as wicked, unjust, and unchristian, who occupies the relation of a slave-holder; and we cannot doubt that there are hundreds, whose sentiments and practice, under the system of slavery, virtually abolish the relation, and who are not, therefore proper objects of censure, the real difficulties also which are attendant upon immediate and general emancipation ought to be fairly considered.'"

As Mr. Boyd naturally wishes his book to have access to the schools and colleges of the South, it is specially due to him, that any misrepresentation of his real sentiments on this difficult and exciting subject, should be corrected. We are happy, therefore, to have it in our power, on his own authority, to state that, contrary to our first impression, he does not take common ground with the Abolitionists in asserting that all slave-holding is sinful, and that he approves of these decisions of the American Board of Commissioners and other public bodies, against which the abolitionists are constantly directing their most violent assaults.

AN explanation somewhat similar is due to Dr. Schaf, whom we are understood by some as having charged with plagiarism in our article on Historical Theology. The first impression made upon us by a few slight coincidences both of thought and language, was corrected by observing that even these did not extend beyond the first part of the two productions, and by due consideration of the ease with which the most original and independent thinker may be guilty of unconscious imitation, as to trifles, after reading a congenial writer on a favourite subject. As to the absence of all reference to Kliefoth, had we known, as we now know, but had then no right to take for granted, that Dr. Schaf had not read Kliefoth's work on Dogmengeschichte, nor any of his papers in the Repertorium but the first, we should no doubt have avoided even that ambiguity of language which has undesignedly conveyed, to some minds, this unpleasant imputation on a writer, whom we verily believe to be morally as much above the meanness, as he is intellectually above the necessity, of literary theft.

THE

PRINCETON REVIEW.

JULY, 1847.

No. III.

ART. I.-1. Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, Vol. I. (East Jersey under the Proprietary Governments. By William A. Whitehead.) pp. 351. 1846. Bartlett & Welford, New York.

2. The Goodly Heritage of Jerseymen. The first Annual Address before the New Jersey Historical Society. By the Rt. Rev. George W. Doane, D.D. LL.D. pp. 32. 1846.

3. Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society. 18451846. pp. 204. Newark, 1847.

A. Collections of the New Jersey Historical Society, Vol. II. (The Life of William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, Major General in the Army of the United States, during the Revolution. By his Grandson, William Alexander Duer, LL.D.) pp. 292. 1847. Wiley & Putnam, New York.

SELDOM has an association of the kind advanced more rapidly in public estimation, or made its existence known in a more acceptable manner within the circle of its influence, than has the New Jersey Historical Society. Although but little more than two years has elapsed since its organization, the publications VOL. XIX.-NO. III.

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enumerated above have appeared, giving evidence of activity and efficiency in its members, which promises well for the future usefulness of the Society. We may at some other time notice the previous volumes, but at present we propose confining ourselves to the last of the series-a welcome addition to the biographical literature of the country.

Although much has been written respecting the period in which our revolutionary drama was enacted, little is known, comparatively, of the lives of many of the most prominent actors. And yet how necessary is it that the character, habits, associations, aims and ends of individuals, should be known and understood, in order that the public events with which they were connected, may be properly appreciated? Especially important is it, when those events immediately precede and bring about such changes in empires, as that which ushered into existence our own confederacy.

Lord Stirling was for many years closely connected with the public affairs of New Jersey; but the people of the state have been in possession of little information respecting him; and his services rendered the country during the struggle for independence, have been very imperfectly commemorated. Mr. Duer has consequently conferred a favour not only upon his fellow citizens of New Jersey, but also upon the people of the whole Union, by preparing this biography of his ancestor. Having confined himself mainly to connecting the various letters and papers by a running narrative, and such explanatory notes as were thought necessary, but little opportunity was afforded for an exhibition of undue partiality. Disparaging circumstances may be less fully detailed, and some unfavourable features less freely canvassed than they might have been by one not so immediately connected with the subject of the biography; but this is not the case to an extent that impairs materially the value of the work, and so far as Lord Stirling is presented in the correspondence introduced, the deductions of the author appear to be well sustained, and his comments judicious. We must express our regret, however, that more time was not devoted to researches on some points in our colonial and revolutionary history, which, more fully illustrated, would assuredly have contributed to the interest of the work. For example: the details of the several engagements in which Lord Stirling acted a prominent part, are not

given with that precision which enables us clearly to estimate the importance of his movements; and very little information is afforded respecting them, that is not found in the general histories of the day. In the course of our examination, other instances will be noticed of what we must consider the remisness of the author in this respect,-less excusable from the fact, that a portion of the correspondence is not of general interest, and might well have given place to matter of more importance. We shall not undertake to supply these deficiencies; but to those who may not have access to the book itself, our remarks may be of service in forming an estimate of the character and services of him of whom it treats.

Among other natives of Scotland who were obliged to take refuge in America, from the consequences of their attachment to the House of Stuart, and the result of the rebellion of 1715, was James Alexander; the father of Lord Stirling. He arrived in 1716, obtained a situation in the office of the Secretary of the Province, and from his high attainments in mathematical science, he was soon entrusted with the duties of Surveyor General in both New York and New Jersey. Applying himself assiduously to the study of the law, while not engaged with his other pursuits, he qualified himself for admission to the Provincial Bar, and was not long in securing consideration and respect in his new profession. Years added to his influence and renown, and before his death he had "attained great eminence from his profound legal knowledge, sagacity, and penetration." He became a member of the Council and took an active part in all the political movements of his time, which circumstances, with his connection with the famous Zenger trial in New York, have preserved to him a measure of the fame he so well merits; but there is far too little known of Mr. Alexander. From Mr. Duer's remarking that—

"A letter, written not long before his death, is preserved in Mr. Sedgwick's Life of Governor Livingston, as one of the very few literary remains of a man highly distinguished in his day, but who has left but scanty memorials of his character and ability,"

-his readers will imbibe an impression that it is now too late to rescue from the shades of the past any farther information respecting his private and public life, but we have reason to believe that such is not the case. If rightly informed, there are yet, in

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