ming Bruce were also added to the Com-tained by the House to sit on that day, mittee. with the understanding, however, that it should be devoted to expediting the several other important measures waiting for consideration. Upon the name of Sir G. Warrender being proposed, a division took place, when there appeared, Ayes 56; Noes 100--Majority 44. The names of the other Gentlemen proposed were negatived without a division. PROGRESS OF THE REFORM BILL.] On the question being put that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Reform Bill, Lord Ebrington begged to ask if it was in the contemplation of the noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to make any arrangements for the sitting of the House on Saturday? When he considered the slow progress of the Reform Bill, and when he considered the state of anxiety which prevailed both in and out of the House on the subject, it appeared to him necessary that arrangements should be made to expedite the Bill through the Committee. Trade and commerce had materially suffered, and they would continue to do so while the people were kept in a state of suspense and anxiety. He,therefore,deemed it prudent to suggest to the noble Lord the propriety of resuming the sittings of the House on Saturdays so long as the Bill remained in Committee. Mr. C. W. Wynn agreed with the noble Lord in thinking there should be a certain day in the week set apart for the furthering through their various stages the several measures before the House, in some of which the country were as much interested as it could possibly be in this Reform Bill. Mr. Alderman Waithman thought the House should proceed from day to day throughout the week in the consideration of the Reform Bill. An opinion prevailed out of doors that exertions were made in several quarters to retard the progress of the measure, and it would be well if the House would unite, even at the expense of a little more personal fatigue and labour, to give a contradiction to this belief. But there were other and more paramount reasons why the Bill should be expedited. The trade and commerce of the country were in a state of uncertainty; and he firmly believed they would so remain until the question was finally settled. thought that if hon. Members would talk less, but more to the purpose, the Committee would soon be brought to a conclusion. Lord Althorp had already expressed his intention with respect to the sitting of the House on Wednesdays. It was proposed that that day should be devoted to other business before the House, and that the Reform Bill should only be considered on Mondays, Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Fridays. On last Wednesday, undoubtedly the Committee had been proceeded with, but that was only in consequence of the previous Monday being a dies non. While on the subject he thought he might as well state that he would move that the Lord Althorp said, he had not hitherto contemplated, nor had he, at the present moment any intention of sitting on Saturdays. The reason that this additional day had been formerly imposed upon the House had its origin in the dilatory manner in which the Committee on the Reform Bill proceeded, and, he should add, unnecessarily delayed, during the last Session. No Committee had ever before been so procrastinated. The present Committee unquestionably got on slowly, but still its progress was sufliciently rapid, to obvi-House should consider the Reform Bill on ate the necessity of sitting on Saturdays. If, however, after a short time, it was found that the Committee did not increase Mr. Croker denied, in the most emits pace, so that the question might be phatic manner, that exertions were made by brought to a conclusion during the Session, one side of the House to retard the prohe would undoubtedly suggest the pro-gress of the Bill. Perhaps he was wrong priety of sitting on Saturdays, until the measure passed the House. At all events, he did not intend that the House should sit on Saturday next. Lord Stormont wished to know if it was intended to take the Committee on the Reform Bill on the Wednesdays. He believed that there was no objection enter the ensuing Wednesday, as Tuesday next was to be devoted to another subject. in offering himself as the champion of the one side of the House, but, as respected the party to which he belonged, he felt it his duty to say, that no delay whatever, calculated unnecessarily to impede the Reform Bill, had originated with them. He thought the hon. Alderman, who, by the bye, he did not recollect to have either seen or Mr. Baring rose to order. The question before the House was that the Speaker do leave the Chair. He did not see how the hon. Alderman could enter into a detail of his services in the cause of the Reform Bill. Alderman Waithman said, he was only desirous of replying to a charge which had been made against him. heard during any of the discussions either | possessed quite as much right to give on the principle or details of the measure, expression to his sentiments as the Reought to be more cautious in accusing the presentative of a rotten borough; and House without foundation. If any delay although the right hon. Gentleman might had been given, it was occasioned by the disregard what fell from him, he would still necessary postponement of some parts of persist in claiming his privilege. The the Bill by the originators of the measure right hon. Gentleman had gone so far as themselves; and it therefore struck him as to accuse him of a neglect of duty. He extremely impolitic in the hon. Alderman, had not certainly addressed the House as supporting, as he did, his Majesty's Min- often as the right hon. Gentleman, and for isters, to allude to the topic of delay. The a sufficiently good reason, that he did not hon. Alderman had complained of the so well understand the intricacy of the number of speeches made during the dis- subject. But as to any neglect of his cussion in Committee. Now, he would duty-[" Spoke, spoke."] beg to inform him, and if the hon. Alderman had attended in his place, he would have perceived, that any observations made by the Gentlemen on that (Mr. Croker's) | side of the House were invariably incidental to the details of the Bill; and when any extraneous question was started, the supporters, and none but the supporters, of the measure were to blame. For instance, on the previous evening, a ques- The Speaker begged to remind the hon. tion was raised by an hon. Baronet-as Alderman he could not, consistently with great a favourer of the Bill as any in the the rules of the House, reply in an explaHouse-which occasioned a very consider-nation to a charge. able discussion. He repeated, that any Lord Ebrington did not wish to delay delay which had taken place originated the progress of the Bill, but he could not with his Majesty's Ministers and their sup-refrain from corroborating the assertion of porters not that he meant to impute any blame to them on that account; on the contrary, they deserved great credit for their candour in postponing certain clauses until the House was put in possession of requisite information. For his part he could not accuse himself of causing unnecessary delay; he had occasionally found it requisite to trouble the House with observations, but he had done so solely with a view to render the details of th measure as little objectionable as possible; and he begged to say, he would continue to offer such observations as he might deem necessary, notwithstanding any comments which might be made either by the hon. Alderman or his constituents on the other side of Temple-bar, to whom he did not give the credit of knowing much on the subject. Mr. Alderman Waithman said, he had not alluded to either side of the House in particular. He had merely stated an opinion which he knew to exist in several parts of the country. The right hon. Gentleman seemed to quarrel with him for addressing the House at all; but he begged to observe, that, as a Representative of the City of London, he conceived he the hon. Alderman, the Representative of the City of London. He would repeat that assertion. He knew that there did prevail a very strong impression that futile and unnecessary delay had been offered to the progress of the Bill. He (Lord Ebrington) had regularly attended the discussions on the Bill, and he would say it appeared to him that there had been a great and unnecessary waste of both words and time. The country knew this to be the case, and therefore complained. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Croker) appeared to take credit to himself for assisting the progress of the Bill. He (Lord Ebrington) could not flatter him much on this point. In fact he could not give the right hon. Gentleman credit for ever wishing to do so. Much time had been already wasted in useless discussion, and, unless the Bill made more rapid strides, he thought it would be necessary to sit on Saturdays. He had intended to submit a motion to that effect to-morrow, but in the hope that no further useless discussion would be attempted, he would postpone doing so until next week, when, unless he found the Bill making more rapid progress than it at present did, he should feel it his duty. to take the sense of the House upon the | [Cries from the Ministerial side of" name, subject. Sir Henry Hardinge, after remarking that the only reason given by the noble Lord for the motion he proposed to submit was, that the people out of doors were not satisfied, proceeded to say-"Have we then already arrived at the period when the sections of London are to dictate to this House? For one, Sir, I never will give way to such dictation. I know that the way this Bill is to be carried through by Government, is by aid of the mob. I, however, as one member of Parliament, never will submit to be dictated to by the sections of London, speaking through the noble Lord as their organ. I say again, Sir, that noble Lord shall not dictate to me, or to this House." Lord Ebrington said, Sir, I beg leave to contradict as positively and as strongly as the forms of this House will admit, the assertions made respecting the grounds which induced me to give notice of my Motion. I would say, contradict the misrepresentation, which I am persuaded was unintentionally made by the hon. and gallant Officer, as to the grounds of my Motion. I repel again with indignation the insinuations of the hon. and gallant Officer, of my being the organ of the mob. I would not be the organ of any set of men whose opinions did not coincide with my own. I would not be the organ of any set of sentiments which did not agree with my own. I am the Representative of a numerous and respectable constituency-I am an independent member of Parliament, and I can tell the gallant Officer, that I speak my opinion as honestly, as sincerely, and as independently as himself, or any other Gentleman in this House. name." The hon. Member continued.] As I am called upon to name, I may allude to the fact, that Cabinet Ministers have, in their correspondence with Political Unions, and in the interchange of courtesies with them, even ventured to designate the discussion of the House of Lords as the whisper of a faction. I apply again to what was said by the noble Lord, and when I find him resting his chief argument on the opinions of the people out of doors, I think I am justified in concluding that, in a great degree his Motion is brought forward because out of doors all opposition to the Bill is denounced by certain bodies, and because the fruit of these opinions prevails. The noble Lord tells me, that he repels with indignation something that has fallen from me. I do not understand himbut if he means to say, that he repels with indignation any thing advanced as a fact or opinion by me, I receive this with quite as much indignation as he expresses, and I am perfectly ready to meet it in any way the noble Lord chooses-[order]. I have seldom troubled the House in the discussions upon this Bill, but whenever I hear the opinion of people out of doors advanced as an argument to compel the House to any particular line of conduct, I will always repeat what I have said to the noble Lord, and to any other noble Lord. Whatever opinion or statement of mine the noble Lord repels with indignation, I have only to say, that I repel whatever he may urge against my opinions with equal indignation. I repeat what I have before said, and I have not one iota to retract. spoke through me as their organ. To that assertion I gave, and again give, a positive denial-a flat contradiction. No Gentleman has a right to state what is unfounded in fact; far less when the assertion is calculated to convey an unjust insinuation. I repeat that the assertion of the right hon. and gallant General is perfectly unfounded in fact." Lord Ebrington: "The right hon. and gallant General stated, that I was here the Sir Henry Hardinge said, when the in-organ of the sections of London--that they temperate cheers of certain hon. Members there whom I have in my eye shall have ceased, I will answer the noble Lord. The noble Lord's argument was, that it is the opinion of the people out of doors that there was an unnecessary delay in the progress of the Reform Bill, and that they would not, after a time, be satisfied if the rate of that progress was not increasedunless the House sat on Saturdays. He certainly did not use the word "sections," when he advanced his argument for the Motion alluded to. But I say the force of that argument rested on mob dictation. I say there are certain Members in this House under the influence of mob dictation. Mr. Goulburn was sure that the House would see that the warmth displayed by the noble Lord was not warranted by what had fallen from his right hon. and gallant friend. What his right hon. and gallant friend said was,not that the noble Lord spoke there as the mere tool or organ of the sections of London, but that he founded his Motion | ENGLAND-COMMITTEE SIXTH DAY.] in obedience to the feelings entertained The House then resolved itself into Comout of doors. mittee. Lord Althorp, in common with every other Member, must reject those occasional misconceptions which occurred in the heat of debate, but was confident that the right hon. and gallant Gentleman would himself see that the expression organ of a section," which he had applied to his noble friend, was not warranted in fact, and that no personal offence was intended by his noble friend's warm denial. Sir George Murray agreed with the noble Lord in regarding the present misconception as one of those occasional ebullitions which occurred in the heat of debate, and which were to be regretted; but still thought that the undue warmth was entirely on the side of the noble member for Devonshire. Sir Charles Wetherell would take it upon him to inform the noble Lord, that a very large and influential portion of the public attributed, and that, too, on just grounds, the delay in the progress of the Bill to its framers and supporters. He would beg leave to add, if they, or any of them, thought they could force the Bill through the House without full and ample discussion, they would find themselves mistaken. With respect to the noble Lord's intended motion, all he would then say was, that it would be nothing less than a severe censure on the noble Lord's, the Chancellor of the Exchequer's, management; for if that noble Lord saw no reason for adding Saturday to the Committee days, the proposition must be an implied censure on his zeal and sagacity. Mr. Cressett Pelham considered that, as the noble Lord (Lord Ebrington) said he agreed with what had fallen from the hon. Alderman (Alderman Waithman) near him, he was, pro tanto, the organ of the sections of London; he however, denied, for himself, that any unnecessary delay had been offered to the Bill since it had gone into Committee. He was told that the trading districts anxiously looked forward to the passing of the measure, and reprobated all discussion. But the trade of the country was not the sole interest to which the House had to attend, and, as a country gentleman, he protested against it being hurried through the Committee. Lord John Russell observed, that Clause 17 of the Bill had been postponed, at the suggestion of the right hon. member for Aldeburgh until the Committee decided on the 24th Clause. As that clause had been agreed to, he would move that the House should proceed with clause 17 of the Bill. Mr. Croker said, that his only motive in desiring the postponement of this clause until the 24th was agreed to, was, that as both involved the same principle, one decission would answer. The House having agreed that clause 24 should stand part of the Bill, he, for one, would not offer any opposition to this clause. Mr. Praed begged to trouble the House with one observation. It was complained that the progress of the Bill in Committee was delayed. Now, he happened to remember when the clause, to which they were about to agree without any discussion, was discussed in the last Session, it occupied a considerable period on three several nights. It could not, therefore, be said, that the unnecessary delay was offered by the opponents of the Bill. On the question, that the clause stand part of the Bill, Colonel Sibthorp said, that, as the Representative of Lincoln, it would be necessary for him to trespass on the attention of the House for a short time. He did not expect that his observations would reach the public, inasmuch as he understood that all the public journals-even those which professed to advocate the cause of Anti-reform-had come to a determination of Burking the highly-important observations which he found it sometimes necessary to make on behalf of the interests of his constituents. He must, however, state, that the proposed division of the county of Lincoln was in direct opposition to an Act of Parliament, he alluded to the 52 George 3rd, which had for its object the navigation of the river Witham. The divisions of the county there established were contrary to those put forward by this clause. did not mean to say, that an Act could not be altered or modified by succeeding Acts, but such a thing was never done without the necessity of the required alteration being clearly shown; and certainly proposers of this Bill had made out no As he knew it was of no use the PARLIAMENTARY REFORM-BILL FOR sucli case. He arguing any question in the face of so great things, till the gallant Colonel at last, a majority as supported Ministers through came to believe them, so that he reminded thick-and-thin, he would content himself one of a certain Baron in Germany. The with moving these words in addition to Baron in Germany talked about going up the clause, "that all the freeholders whose to the moon till he believed he could get freeholds are situated on the north side there, and the gallant Colonel talked of the of the river Witham shall vote for the no less extraordinary circumstance of a reRepresentatives for the district of Lindsey, action in the county of Lincoln, until he and that all those whose freeholds are on really believed it, though there was not the the south side of that river shall vote for slightest ground for the supposition. Not the Members proposed to be given to the long since, a public meeting of the county districts of Kesteven and Holland." It had taken place, at which the gallant was his intention to have taken the sense Colonel ought to have been present, but of the Committee on the Motion, but, as he was not, though, if he had been, he the attendance of Members was extremely would have found that there was no such small he would defer doing so until the thing as a re-action on the subject of Report was brought up. Reform in the county of Lincoln. Stronger resolutions than at first had been intended were proposed and carried. Having said this, he would now add one word upon another circumstance, to shew how little ground there was for talking of re-action in the county of Lincoln. The state of the opinion of the county had been manifested at the time appointed for calling out the Militia. He did not know the reason; but something occurred at Stamford upon the subject, and the Lordlieutenant thought fit to disband the Militia. The pretence put forth was, that the weather was too inclement, but he hardly knew how that could be admitted as the real reason for the Lord-lieutenant's conduct, when it was known that the Militia of other counties were called out at even a later period. He believed the true cause of this disbanding was to be found in the fact, that the Southern Regiment of Militia had uttered that fearful word "Reform." Lord John Russell said, that the sense of the last Committee had been taken on this point, and he should not, therefore, go into the question now, but should leave the hon. and gallant Member to pursue any course he might please. He would only add, that he believed the convenience of the present division would be found to be greater than that proposed by the hon. Member. The Amendment was negatived without a division. Mr. Croker thought, as one of the clauses now stood, the freeholders of the county of the city of Lincoln would, though the noble Lord did not intend it, have a right to vote in both divisions. Lord John Russell said, that when the counties came to be divided that difficulty would be obviated, and that was to be effected by a future bill. Mr. Croker thought it would be right to apply the remedy when the evil was discovered, and not to look to future events to obviate it. Sir William Ingilby concurred for once with the gallant Colonel. He agreed with him, that the proposed division was not the most convenient that could be devised. He saw no good reason for taking four or five parishes from one division of the county, and adding them to the other. He must, however, at the same time say, that he did not at all agree with the gallant Colonel's frequent assertions respecting the sentiments of the county of Lincoln. The gallant Colonel might misrepresent the city of Lincoln as much as he pleased, but when he came to misrepresent the county of Lincoln, it became necessary for him to interfere. He had heard the gallant Colonel talk about impossible He thought that fact shewed how little ground there was for saying that there had been a re-action in the county. Colonel Sibthorp said, that he seldom had the pleasure of hearing the hon. Baronet's voice in that House, and, therefore, when the hon. Baronet did speak, he felt inclined to get up and answer him. But on this occasion it was impossible for him not to reply-happy as he was to seize every opportunity of contesting with the hon. Baronet his opinion as to the county of Lincoln. He had been asked why he did not attend what the hon. Baronet called the last county meeting-a meeting which took place in November? He did not attend it for two very cogent reasonsthe first was, that he was closely confined to his bed by sickness; but had he been |