the supposed undue influence of the people | until this grievance relative to the Reprein the House of Commons, they would, in sentation should be removed, to say nothing his opinion, do well to take the Reform of the popular topic of Tithes, and the Bill once more into consideration, with a abuses of that system which gave such view to its adoption, rather than leave the room for agitators and demagogues to incountry in the dangerous predicament it flame the public mind. In Scotland also had been for some time placed in. He it must be admitted that there existed a would now proceed to speak of the popular deep-seated discontent. He would ask, if influence which would exist in the event of he was not right in saying, that it was only the Bill being passed into a law. Their reasonable to suppose that that discontent Lordships would remember, that there was existed in a greater degree than it otherin existence another and a powerful engine, wise would do in consequence of the illusory which might be either a useful ally, or a Representation of the people? Surely the formidable enemy. He meant the public discontent in that country was closely conPress. Could their Lordships argue, that nected with one of the subjects adverted to the influence of the Press would diminish, in his Majesty's Speech. He would not while agitation was kept up by the main- take up the time of their Lordships further tenance of that which was considered as a on that topic, but would proceed to say, gross public grievance? The very dangers with respect to another subject alluded to which their Lordships appeared to fear, in that Speech, that, if any one was disthey had actually increased by the conduct posed to find fault with the Government which they had pursued in the last Session for the course which it had adopted with of Parliament. He hoped their Lordships regard to our foreign relations, he would would now be convinced, that their best contend that in all that had been done there chance of carrying their own point was by had been no sacrifice of national honour, conferring upon his noble friend (Earl but quite the contrary. By the exertions Grey) the power of acceding to the wishes and great talents of his noble friends, the of the people, by granting them a Reform peace of Europe had been maintained under in the Commons House of Parliament. He very difficult circumstances. With respect would just suppose, which he could by no to what had been done towards the abolimeans anticipate, and which he felt assured tion of the Slave-trade, by the recent conwas by no means probable-he would just vention with France on that subject, he suppose, that their Lordships should again would say, that he believed it would be reject the Bill, and he would ask, what hailed by all parties in the country with would be the consequences? There could one common feeling of satisfaction; and he be no other alternative but that of adding would venture at once to congratulate their to the numbers of that House-a measure Lordships upon an arrangement which must which every one must deprecate if adopted lead to the extirpation of that odious and from any other motive than that of giving inhuman traffic. He,should be wanting in strength to the Constitution [a laugh from gratitude to his noble friend at the head of some noble Lords on the Opposition benches]. the Government if he did not state, that in What he had said, he perceived, with regret, 1806 and 1807, when his noble friend was had excited the mirth of noble Lords oppo- in office with Mr. Fox, the first decisive site. He would now however proceed to measure had been adopted towards abolishallude to other parts of the Speech from ing the Slave-trade, and it was now his the Throne. His Majesty spoke of the singular good fortune to give real effect to distress which existed; and it was unfor- the benevolent intentions of the Government tunately too true, that wherever they turned of that day upon this important question. their eyes, it presented itself to them to a There was only one other subject to which most alarming extent. In the agricultural he would advert-namely, the Political districts the peasantry were in deep dis- Unions which had recently been formed; and tress, and in the manufacturing towns the upon that he would just say, that his noble citizens and operatives were similarly cir- friend who had preceded him had so fully cumstanced. There was, in fact, no part expressed his (Lord Lyttleton's) sentiments, of the realm in which there was not a great that he had left little for him to say. There deal of poverty and distress; and in Ireland could be no manner of doubt, in his opinion, particularly, that country which was con- but these Unions would cease if the Reform fessedly a monument of misgovernment, a Bill once passed the Legislature, but he most fearful agitation prevailed, to which could not help looking, notwithstanding, there was no prospect of a termination, with fear and jealousy to their continuance, 19 gave to their extension, and to their organiza- | in a high and philosophical way, in a pastion; which was such that, unless they sage which he had no doubt was familiar were dissolved, Government could not act to many of their Lordships declared, that with effect. Still he would ask, were they "time was the great innovator," and it was to overlook the cause which brought these impossible for their Lordships to resist its Certainly not. efforts. It was necessary, therefore, to Unions into existence? His noble and learned friend on the Wool- alter even the best institutions occasionally, sack had pointed out the cause, in his very to accommodate them to altered circumable speech of last Session, when he said, stances; and certainly the course of time had "This monstrous growth is the produce of now brought about such changes in society, a soil which, when purified will no longer that it was necessary for their Lordships to In the same consent to improve the institutions of the yield such noxious herbs." manner he would say, that if the Reform country. There was yet time for their Bill were passed, the people would confide Lordships to recover their lost ground in in their Representatives, and those Unions the affections of the people, and enter once would offer no resistance to a just Govern- more into a friendly alliance with them. A ment. He believed, that there was, upon great portion of their Lordships lived in the part of the leaders of these Unions, a the affections of the people. Even many disposition to dissolve them as soon as the of those who were opposed to the Reform grievance which they complained of could Bill, stood well in public estimation. Let be redressed. He would say, with respect them, then, now only agree to the great to these Unions, what was said by the measure of Reform, on which the people celebrated and great Lord Chatham, when had set their hearts, and they would secure our colonies in America, now the United themselves in their affections; while, if States, first rebelled-"Let justice be done, they rejected it, they must feel convinced or let discord flourish for ever;" and he that no Government could act effectively would add, that if justice is not done, dis- for the benefit of the country. These conHe cord will flourish. his most un-siderations, he trusted, would have their feigned support to the Address proposed by due weight in influencing the decision of his noble friend. With respect to that their Lordships. He would also entreat House, he would say, that it would be in the right rev. Prelates to consider what vain for their Lordships to hope to main- might be the consequences if this Bill were tain themselves without the aid of the to be again rejected. He disliked any people. If he were to quote from Mr. thing like cant, and thought he might say, Burke, he was aware that he might be told, that he was sincerely attached to the Estathat he was quoting from an author who blished Church, he was anxious to see that would furnish quotations applicable to any Church reformed. He would most respectkind of arguments; but there was, at least, fully solicit the attention of the rev. Preone portion of his works which was approved lates to a little book on Church Reform, of by noble Lords opposite, and from that written by a Churchman. He would, with he would take a short passage. The por- great humility, ask them if they would tion he would quote from, was a letter ad- take his testimony to the fact, that the exdressed to the Duke of Portland, on the tent was incalculable to which not only conduct of the minority. In that letter their own interests, but the interests of Mr. Burke said-"The House of Lords is religion also had suffered by their conduct on by itself the feeblest part of the Constitu- one particular occasion during the last tion-they know that the House of Lords Session of Parliament. If they would acis supported only by its connexions with the cept of advice from him, he would intimate Crown and with the House of Commons." an opinion that they should review the He (Lord Lyttleton) would ask how their vote they had then given upon the Reform Lordships were now situated? Were they Bill, and consider whether it was good for not isolated, not only from the people, but the interests of the million and of the State from the Crown and from the House of Com- also, that they should persevere in opposmons? and could they hope to have any ing Reform; or whether the welfare and chance of preserving their existence under peace of the country did not call upon such circumstances? Were they not pre- them for a different line of conduct under cisely in that situation in which Mr. Burke present circumstances. Unless the measure had given it as his opinion that they could of Reform about to be introduced were As to the fear conceded, that House could not recover the not exist even for a year. of innovation, the great Lord Bacon had, ground it had lost by its unfortunate deci sion of last Session. Every one at this moment was in a state of anxiety, dreading the dissolution of the Constitution itself as the result of the inflexibility, if he might use the term, of the noble Lords opposite, should they indeed adhere to their former opinions. He had but a few words more to add. It must be admitted, that the settlement of the Reform question was in effect the settlement of the country; for as long as that important question remained unsettled, the Government could not act with advantage. There was, and would be, a sort of interregnum; all measures would remain, as for some time past, impeded. No measure could be adopted for improving the condition of the suffering part of the community, or of giving an impulse to trade or commerce, until the Government became settled; and Government could not become settled until the question of Reform was disposed of; and that again could not be done, unless a measure the same in principle and extent as the former one were agreed to. He entreated of the noble Lords opposite, that they would consider that the business of the State was at a stand-still, and would continue so until a Reform should take place. When that was accomplished, the ground-work would be laid for the removal of many present evils, and then he trusted the people would continue long attached to the Constitution, and would again resume their natural feelings of respect towards the aristocracy of the country. The Earl of Harrowby said, that he was extremely desirous to avoid every thing which might tend to create a difference of opinion, or to disturb that unanimity with which, excepting so far as regarded one topic to which he would presently allude, he was anxious their Lordships should adopt the Address now under their consideration; and such being his sentiments, he should not have risen to address their Lordships, if it had not been for the speech of the noble Lord who had seconded the Address. When, however, he said, that the speech of the noble Lord had induced him to rise, he hoped their Lordships would not expect that he was called upon at present to answer any one of the topics which the noble Lord had introduced. No; it was for the purpose of deprecating the introduction of such topics on the present occasion, and not for the purpose of answering them, that he had risen. With one exception only, he perfectly concurred in the Address. He liked the Speech from the Throne, he approved of the topics which were alluded to in it, and he thought that these topics had been treated in the language of temper and propriety. There was nothing which he could wish to add to the Speech-nothing he could wish to take from it. It was, of course, naturally to be expected, that the consideration of a measure of Reform should be recommended in the Speech from the Throne; but then, of the nature of that measure their Lordships at present knew nothing. When their Lordships were made acquainted with the nature of the new Reform Bill, it would be their duty to take it into their most serious consideration, and this was all which the Speech from the Throne recommended, or the Address pledged their Lordships to do. Upon that subject, therefore, he would only express his ardent and anxious hope, that the new Reform Bill would be found to be such a measure as their Lordships might deem it their duty to entertain in detail, and ultimately to adopt-such a measure as might be attended with a result that would accord with the expectations of those who proposed it, and not with the gloomy prognostics of those who had felt it their conscientious duty to oppose the last Reform Bill. He did hope-if their Lordships wished the country to have confidence in their deliberations-that their Lordships would not allow themselves to be drawn into discussions upon what had passed, but that they would bring all the powers of their minds to the consideration of the new measure which was to be brought before them, and, approaching that measure without party views or feelings, earnestly endeavour to bring the subject to a satisfactory settlement, if it were possible for them to do so, consistently with their conscientious sense of duty. No temptation ought to induce them to go into a general discussion of the principles of Reform, or to revert to past discussions upon the subject. He must say, that the speech of the noble Lord who moved the Address was marked by that temper which he should wish to see pervade all the discussions of their Lordships on this subject; though, of course, he could not concur in the political sentiments which that noble Lord had expressed. He had said, that there was one topic in the Address which he did not concur in, and he would now call their Lordships' attention to it. He alluded to that part of the Address which related to the king of the Netherlands, and he hoped that the manner in which it was Earl Grey had not the least objection to the alteration. Of course there had been no intention to ask their Lordships to pledge themselves to an opinion upon a treaty which they had not yet seen. worded was the result of inadvertence only. | of acceding to an arrangement in which Indeed, he was persuaded it was, for he the Plenipotentiaries of the five Powers was sure that his Majesty's Ministers could have unanimously concurred, and which, have no intention to commit that House we are assured by your Majesty, has been to an opinion upon a transaction of which framed with the most careful and impartial the House at present knew nothing. The attention to all the interests concerned." Address, as it stood, was thus worded:"We beg to express to your Majesty our satisfaction, that the arrangement which your Majesty announced to us at the close of the last Session, for the separation of the States of Holland and Belgium, has been followed by a treaty between the five Powers." Now these words seemed to imply an approbation of the treaty, which, however, the House had not yet seen. Then the Address made the House say, in the words of the Speech, "We trust that the period is not distant, when the king of the Netherlands will see the necessity of acceding to an arrangement in which the Plenipotentiaries of the five Powers," &c. This was liable to the same objection, as the House did not yet know what the arrangement was. Further on, the House was made to say, following the Speech, that the " arrangement had been framed with the most careful and impartial attention to all the interests concerned." This, again, was a matter not yet within the knowledge of the House; and for this reason-and not because he desired to express any opinion, or even the shadow of an opinion-he trusted, that the amendment he had sketched, or one similar to it, would be agreed to. He called it an amendment, but he would rather use the word alteration; and he should be glad that it were adopted by the noble Mover himself, in the place of the passage which now stood in the Address, because, as he had before observed, he was anxious to see the Address voted unanimously. The passage, as he had altered it, would stand thus:-"We beg to express our thanks to your Majesty for the information, that the arrangement which your Majesty announced to us at the close of the last Session, for the separation of the States of Holland and Belgium, has been followed by a treaty between the five Powers and the king of the Belgians; and for the direction your Majesty has given, that that treaty be laid before us as soon as the ratifications shall have been exchanged. We thank your Majesty for having communicated to us, that a similar treaty has not yet been agreed to by the king of the Netherlands; but that your Majesty trusts the period is not distant when that sovereign will see the necessity The Earl of Eldon said, he trusted their Lordships would permit him to remark, that he had felt extremely distressed at the speech of the noble Seconder. They had nothing at all to do with the Reform Bill of the last Session. He believed, that all noble Lords had, as he was sure he himself had, voted upon that Bill conscientiously. There was nothing in the Speech from the Throne which could lead them to suppose that the same Bill would be proposed again; but, if the same Bill should be once more brought in, it would be the duty of that House to reconsider it, and if, on such reconsideration, any noble Lord thought that he had mistaken his duty when the Bill was last before the House, that noble Lord would be wanting in his duty if he did not retrace his steps. Such was the course which even the humble individual who was now addressing them, though he had so strenuously opposed the Bill, should feel it his duty to pursue, if, upon reconsideration, he should feel that he had taken a false step when the Bill was brought in last. Session. He must contend, however, that, under the present circumstances, it was most irregular to allude to that Bill. When, by his vote, he concurred in rejecting that measure, he was satisfied, perhaps improperly, that he did his duty towards that House, and towards the Crown; but he begged noble Lords to recollect, that when he had stated that his sense of duty would not allow him to consent to that Bill, he had expressly declared, that he would not pledge himself to any other, or concerning any other, measure of Reform, that might hereafter be introduced. He repeated, that if the self-same measure were again introduced, it would be the duty of their Lordships to consider whether it was to the advantage of the nation that it should be passed, or that it should be again rejected. Again, however, he would say, that the Speech from the Throne contained nothing about that Bill, and, therefore, such a speech as that which had been made by the noble Seconder of the Address was totally out of order. He had no doubt | treaty was founded were matters of perfect that the Bill which would be proposed notoriety; and, upon that topic, he should would be such a one as the framers of it address a few observations to the House. conscientiously believed ought to be pro- He was greatly surprised to hear it said, posed; and he had no doubt, also, that that the king of the Netherlands would Parliament would dispose of that measure consent to that article which granted a free according to what it felt to be its consci-navigation of the canals of his kingdom to entious duty. He had no disposition to say other than "Content" to the Address. He must, however, take that opportunity of stating, that transactions had taken place which, if he had not seen them, he could not have believed would be endured. There never had been so great an insult passed upon that House, as in a publication to which he felt it his duty to allude. He did not speak of the newspapers, for in them, it must be confessed, they did meet with reasoning; but the publication he meant was called The Black List. He was put forward in that list as receiving 54,000l. a-year out of the taxes. He wished the publisher of The Black List would be obliging enough to make good this charge. Then, again, a noble person, who was eighty-seven years of age, and his elder brother, was called his nephew, and was put in The Black List as receiving a pension of 4,000l. a-year. The noble Lords who had voted against the Reform Bill in the last Session were represented, in the same paper, as receiving millions of money among them out of the taxes, although they themselves must be tolerably certain one doit did not go into their pockets from this source. At the same time, he felt bound to notice, that some of the friends of Reform were also included in the same paper. He thought it was a just ground of complaint, as he understood many thousand copies of this Black List had been sold, that some means should not have been taken to prevent its circulation. the Belgians. That article appeared to him so unjust, so unreasonable, that he thought it impossible the king of the Netherlands could ever give his consent to it. In the first place, it was entirely foreign to the subjects properly brought under the consideration of the Conference; and, in the next place, it was unjust. By that article, the king of the Netherlands was told, that his former subjects, who had acted in violation of their allegiance to him, and who were now his enemies, should have free navigation through his canals. It might as well be insisted, that they should have a right to enter the palace of the monarch. The canals were private property, and ought to be respected as such. By that article, the Conference placed the king in a worse situation than he was in before the union of those provinces with Holland which the Conference had now declared to be independent of him. He was not only confined within the most narrow limits, but even these were not sacred from intrusion. He could not but view this proceeding as both impolitic and unjust. With regard to the rest of the treaty, so far as the partition of territory and the settlement of the debt were concerned, it might be reasonable to expect that it would meet with the concurrence of the king of Holland; but the insertion of that most unjust and obnoxious article made it impossible for the King to assent to the treaty as a whole, and the people were united with him in resisting the adoption of conditions so truly unjust. By this course the minds of the people had been inflamed, and they concurred with their King, fully and entirely, in deprecating the measure. As he (the Earl of Aberdeen) had already intimated, it appeared to him to be a most unwise proposition-it placed arms in the hands of the king of Holland, and gave him the unanimous support of his people. Never, indeed, were people more united with a Sovereign than the subjects of that King were united with him in resisting the article which appeared so highly objectionable. For his own part, he must Al-again be permitted to repeat, that he thought it impossible the king of Holland could give his assent to that article of the treaty. The Earl of Camperdown said, he should have great pleasure in moving the Address in the terms of the Amendment proposed by the noble Earl. The Earl of Aberdeen said, although he concurred in the Address which had been amended according to the suggestion of his noble friend, yet he could not forbear troubling their Lordships upon one or two points mentioned in the King's Speech. He was really at a loss to conceive upon what grounds his Majesty was made to express an opinion and belief that the king of Holland would agree to the treaty which the five Powers had concurred in. though the terms of the treaty were not yet known, the articles upon which that |