Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum. marks of a Georgia senator. The “republicanism" of slavites appears to be called in question. Their REPUBLICANISM? Astonishing. If, then, I am disposed to accept this compromise, it is with a distinct annunciation to our people, that their zeal, their courage, their vigilance, must not be abated; nor must they, for a single instant, intermit their military preparations. I tell them that we have greater need to be prepared to defend ourselves against these people, than against a foreign enemy. I have heard them, even in Congress, talk openly of attacking us; and that, in a manner, with an exultation-that would render fiends themselves as fit confederates for us, as these men. Without such preparation, and without a strong military spirit, no people ever yet maintained its liberties. But all our peculiar circumstancesall our institutions-render a thorough system of defence absolutely indispensable to our safety, as well as freedom. Our militia should be as well trained as the armies of Napoleon." "For the first time, we have heard an ominous reference to a provision in the constitution, which I have never known to be before alluded to in discussion, or in connexion with any of our measures. I refer to that provision in the constitution, in which the general government guaranties a republican form of government to the states-a power which, hereafter, if not rigidly restricted to the objects intended by the constitution, is destined to be a pretext to interfere with our political affairs and domestic institutions in a manner infinitely more dangerous than any other power which has ever been exercised on the part of the general government. I had supposed that every southern senator at least, would have been awake to the danger which menaces us from this new quarter; and, that no sentiment would be uttered, on their | part, calculated to countenance the exercise of this dangerous power. With these impressions, I heard the senator with amazement, alluding to Carolina, as furnishing a case which called for the enforcement of this guarantee. Does he not see the hazard of the indefinite extension of this dangerous power? There exists in every southern state a domestic institution, which would require a far less bold construction to consider the government of every state in that quarter not to be republican; and, of course, to demand, on the part of this government, a suppression of the institution to which I allude, in fulfilment of the guarantee. I believe there is now no hostile feelings combined with political considerations, in any section, connected with this delicate subject. But it requires no stretch of the imagination to see the danger, which must one day come, if not vigilant-deracy. From plain indications, it is now certain, ly watched. With the rapid strides with which that those who wish to produce a dissolution of this government is advancing to power, a time the Union, will seek that result through the agitawill come, and that not far distant, when petitions tion of the slave question-and every other cirwill be received, from the quarter to which I al- cumstance calculated to weaken the bonds of lude, for protection: when the faith of the guar-Union, will at the same time be employed. The Teantee will be at least as applicable to that case as the senator from Georgia now thinks it is to Carolina. Unless his doctrine be opposed by united and firm resistance, its ultimate effect will be to drive the white population from the southern Atlantic states. The following is from the Washington Globe, and furnishes “confirmation strong as holy writ" of the views given at the head of this article. NEW TROUBLES. The following extract from Mr. McDuffie's late speech in the convention, must convince every considerate man, that the disappointed band of politicians of whom Mr. Calhoun is the leader, have not relinquished their designs against the Union: || Here Mr. McDuffie obviously points to the slave question, as the next cause of excitement on which the agitators mean to seize, for the purpose of embodying the southern states against those north of the Potomac. To accomplish the same object, the nullifying governor of Virginia, in his message to the General Assembly, attempted to beget apprehensions among the people of the south as to the security of their property in slaves. And the Telegraph is perpetually harping on the same string, to inflame sectional jealousies. The extinguishment of the Tariff difficulty, brought about by the repeated appeals of the President to his country, through which he had succeeded in obtaining the "national sanction" to the gradual removal of the cause of public discontents-the American System-has left the malcontents no alternative but to seek some new aliment for discord and division among the states of the confe legraph has already assailed the Farewell Address of the Father of his country, upon that great and persuasive appeal which he makes to his countrymen in behalf of the maintenance of the Union. In our opinion, there never was a topic which those disposed to make war on the Union, could press into the service of their cause, with less than the slave question. At first view, it seems prospect of converting it to the purpose intended, calculated, by producing superficial prejudicesby giving a different complexion to the northern and southern sections of the Union--to create a diversity of interest, naturally tending to a separation of the states. But examined thoroughly, it will be found, that the different sorts of labor employed north and south of the Potomac, form the strongest motive for the maintenance of the conStrong as is the present cause of contest, says federacy. The southern people, if cut off from Mr. McDuffie, and powerful as is the necessity the Union, would find that class of population, that compels us to maintain this battle, a yet deep-which gives them relative strength as members of er cause, bringing with it a still more imperious necessity of resistance, lies beneath the present question. We were threatened with it even at this session, and in the very midst of questions that already asked the whole wisdom and moderation of the country to appease them. They told us, openly, that we must pay for the vice in our institutions: that the free labor of the north must not-shall not be degraded to the same footing with the slave labor of the south. the confederacy, at once their greatest weight and weakness in a conflict with the neighboring independent states. That "Napoleon militia" on which Mr. McDuffie relies, to encounter their brethren of the north as "fiends," would be necessary to defend their firesides from "fiends" of another complexion. The interest of the south is amity with the north. On the other hand, the slave property which it is pretended the states of the north are inclined to Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum. From the Richmond Enquirer. VIEWS FROM THE SOUTH. wrest from the south, is really most advantageous to free labor in its present location. It aids the climate in diversifying the products of the differ- "But I grieve to see so many elements of national ent sections of the country. If southern cultiva- prejudice, hostility, and selfishness, stirring and fertion were carried on by the same class and cha-menting with activity and acrimony."--Washington racter of people as it is in the north, the skill of Irving's late Letter. the cultivator would soon supply all his wants from the soil, and exclude from his market much that is now drawn from the north. Besides, the manufacturing arts would spring up in the south, as they have in the north, from the intelligence and economy which characterizes a free and white laboring population. An interesting letter has been put into our hands-written a few days past by one of the most respectable citizens of South Carolina. If his views are correct, it would be high time for every man, who loves the union, to be on the alert. He criticises the late proceedings of the late Convention, and the more recent exhibitions in Charles The "attack," then, which Mr. McDuffie inti-ton-and he comes to the conclusion, that there is mates is to be made upon the slave property, is, of all the unfounded suspicions ever generated to excite apprehension among the people of the south, the last to be indulged. NULLIFICATION AND SLAVERY. a party in South Carolina whose object is to bring about a southern confederacy, and ultimataly a separation of the union. He contends that "the nullification of the tariff was one of the schemes by which these politicians hoped to accomplish their object-that in this they have been foiled, as they could not prevail upon a single State to subscribe to their paradoxical and mischievous theory. Discomfited, not disheartened, without abandoning their project, they have changed their ground. They will now exert themselves to form a confederacy, by appeals to the prejudices, the States-by impressing upon them, the absolute fears, and the jealousies of the slave holding necessity of their leaguing together to preserve the rights of the States, as the only means by which they can secure their property in slaves. We have never doubted the grand spring and origin of the Southern doctrines of Nullification. The tariff has been made the scape-goat, but slavery is the bitter root from which they spring. And now since the "dough faces" in Congress have been frightened by the threats of South Carolina, into a modification of the tariff, which looks very much like a surrender of the principle of protection; the nullifiers, deprived of this flim-By the perversion of some of the remarks which sy pretext, throw off their disguise, and distinctly avow the source of their jealousy, and the true cause of their hostility to the union. We did not need any such evidence to convince us that the slave holders of the south are determined, at all hazards, “to rule, or to rend" the union asunder.duced by their sophistry and declamation. Hayne' They must govern,—they always have governed, and they will govern, by the help of northern dough faces, or dissolve the union. They find themselves in a minority, and this minority likely to become still less; hence the doctrine that a majority ought not to rule; and many other mistifi- || cations which no body pretends to understand. were, recently, made in Congress, upon the essential difference between the labor of free men and of slaves, &c. &c. and by portraying in the dark. est colors the liberticide character of the 'bloody bill,' they calculate upon being able to produce a union of feeling, and ultimately, a union of action among those, who have hitherto remained unse Turnbull, have openly declared, that the battle and Hamilton, and Harper, and McDuffie, and with the general government is not over-that it is just commenced, &c. &c.—that the State cannot protect its rights without being armed for defence and resistance. The report of the committee upon the enforcing bill, declares that "these States" (the southern) "constitute a minority, and are likely to do so forever. They differ in institutions, and modes of industry from the States of the majority, and have different, and in some degree, incompatible interests. * They are to be governed, not with reference to their own interests, or according to their own habits and feelings, but with reference to the interests and according to The following article from the Richmond En-has been truly said, that the protecting system con. the prejudices of their rulers, the majority." "It quirer is thus noticed by the editor of a Philadel-stitutes but a small part of our controversy with phia paper. But all who choose can understand and apply the sentiments of the Latin poet, "Quem deus vult perdere prius dementat,"—especially if given in plain English" Whom God means to destroy he first makes mad." THE SOUTH. the general government. Unless we can obtain the recognition of some constitutional checks on We have inserted in another column, a preg-ed from the sovereignty of the States, and their the usurpation of power, which can only be derivnant article from the Richmond Enquirer, on the present situation and feelings of parties in the southern States. 1 The statement made, that there is a party in the south, organising for the purpose of producing a separation of the union, is unquestionably true in every essential particular. The most zealous leaders of the Carolina nullifiers have let the secret out on many occasions-indeed some of them, such as the Attorney General of South Carolina, R. B. Smith, Esq. boast of it—and take credit in avowing that they have "no love for the union." right to interpose for the preservation of their reserved powers, we shall experience oppression abstracts which have been published of the speechmore cruel and revolting than this." From the es in the convention, it appears, that the more cruel and revolting oppression,' referred to in the report, is an interference by Congress with the right of property in slaves. This was stated by several of the speakers, and among them, by Mr. McDuffie, who said, "that he did not consider the * Mr. Calhoun, in his letter to the Pendleton Messenger, called them "irreconcilable." Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum. disclaim such fanatics as Garrison. Hands off, Sirs. Rely upon it, if you love the union as cordially as we do, you must beware of this question of slavery. Actively interfere with it, and every friend of State rights-every citizen of the south will rush to the rescue-and the union itself will be split in twain. Beware: give no handle to our agitators and nullifiers, to raise a clamour, and wean us from you. The rights of the States know no more determined supporter-the union of the States has no warmer friend-than the man who addresses you this hasty, but earnest and solemn admonition. south to be safe. He adverted to a certain spe- || the north to interfere directly with this species of cies of industry owned and used at the south, and property. The attempt to enlist the idea of the said, that however one principle seemed to be si- Temperance Societies being the engines of emanlenced for the present, yet another was in agitation || cipation, is almost as ridiculous as it is insidious. for the future. He advised the south to stand up It cannot stand one moment's examination. But for herself, to be prepared for all and every event, other misrepresentations will be brought to bear for she might rely upon it, she would have to do it." || upon the scheme. It is scarcely necessary for us "To keep up the fever of excitement, a splen- to warn the east again upon this subject. Its citidid ball and supper were given, a few nights ago, zens must leave us to ourselves. We know the at the State Arsenal in Charleston, by the nullifi-evil-we alone understand the remedy. Let them cation party. Inflammatory epigraphs were in-put down such papers as the "Emancipator," and scribed upon medallions depending from the roof of the building-the flags of several nations, and of the State of South Carolina were exhibited in harmonious junction, whilst that of the United States was no where visible-bands of music played patriotic State airs-the volunteers appeared in their State uniforms, and the ladies were decorated with State Rights' cockades. On Monday last, the volunteers of Charleston, under General Hamilton, were reviewed by the Governor, who presented them with a standard, upon which the arms of the State were embroidered, and delivered to them an address, in which he poured forth a torrent of abuse against the federal government; told the volunteers, 'that they and their compatriots had saved the State, that they were entitled to the honors of a civic triumph, and that their existing organization was to be maintained while the force bill remained unrepealed upon the statute book.' General Hamilton upon receiving the standard, complimented the Governor in terms of the grossest flattery-responded 'cordially to his patriotic' annunciation, that, the volunteers were not to be disbanded, whilst the force bill remained suspended over their heads, however idle its brute thunder" and observed to the troops under his command, that "although a civic triumph has followed our recent struggle for the preservation of bur rights, and a comparative calm now settles upon the face of a community lately so deeply convulsed: yet it is impossible from causes so fearfully at work in our federative system of government, to tell how soon this tranquillity may again be disturbed." But, we are now aware of the arts of the agitators. We see what the Telegraph is at-what the Augusta Chronicle, and the Columbia Times -and what the two nullifying organs in Virginia, are at. Their object is to scatter jealousies and suspicions-but we yet see no cause to believe, that the great body of the northern people mean to interfere with us, or that Congress will make any effort to touch the subject of slavery. When they shall give any such indication, we shall be the first to sound the tocsin. But until they do it, wo be to the agitator who aims to separate the union, or to distract our countrymen by concerted plots and mischievous panic. THE CANTERBURY AFFAIR. The disgraceful proceedings at Canterbury are suitably noticed by the public prints. We give some extracts below. The good people of Connecticut must have shaken off their "steady habits," if such wicked prejudices can be long tolerated among them. "I have brought before you (continues the writer of the letter) some of the signs of the times, from which I draw my conclusion of the fixed and settled purpose of the nullifiers. I believe that their operations in this State are now confined to Great excitement has been produced in the the consolidation of their party; but they carry town of Canterbury, Connecticut, in consequence on an extensive and regular correspondence with of a proposal to establish a school in the town for their coadjutors and coagitators, who are laboring coloured females. A young woman, a resident of to disseminate their principles throughout these the town, of the name of Prudence Crandall, felt States, which it is contemplated to separate from it her duty to devote her talents to the instruction the union, and to erect into a southern confedera- of this neglected portion of her sex. She made tion. What may be their ultimate success, I will known her intention of opening a Seminary in not pretend to predict. They address themselves her own house, where she would receive as boardto prejudices and passions, which exercise a powers, such scholars as should apply for admission. erful sway over the human mind, in all social communities, and under all governments; and their efforts in the revolutionary movement which they have undertaken, will be systematic and untiring." The reader will judge of these extracts for himself. If the circumstances that are developed, do not yet justify the conclusion, that some of these men are bent on a southern confederacy, we cannot shut our eyes to the fact, that the nullifying organs of Mr. Calhoun are attempting to gather a strong southern party around him, for the promotion of his views-and that one of the great grounds upon which they mean to rally, is the subject of slavery. As yet, they have failed in bringing out satisfactory proofs of any design in She had engaged about twenty scholars, whose parents and friends were willing to pay the stipulated price of board and tuition. Some of the wise ones of the place took the alarm, and, as if some dreadful calamity was impending, a town meeting was called, to adopt measures to ward off the threatened danger. At this meeting her conduct and motives were arraigned, though her character was above suspicion, and some strong resolutions were adopted condemning her plan and censuring her conduct; though the only sin with which she stood charged, was an intention to impart instruction to those who most needed it.— Shortly before the meeting, she gave a written request to two of her friends, to appear there in her behalf, as it would be indelicate for a young Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum. woman to appear in person, and plead her owning of the town meeting on the subject, which we cause before such an assembly. Her friends were publish, "for the benefit of whom it may conrequested to explain her motives, and answer any cern:" objections that might be made to her design. "At a town meeting legally warned and held at Canterbury on the 1st day of April, 1833, Asahel Bacon, Esq. Moderator After the meeting had been opened, resolutions read, and a speech delivered by the clerk, her friends quietly laid her written request before the Voted, That a petition in behalf of the town of moderator. But they were denied permission to Canterbury, to the next general assembly, be speak in her defence, and were threatened with a drawn up in suitable language, deprecating the prosecution, if they attempted to speak for her. evil consequences of bringing from other towns, Thus a benevolent young woman was condemned and other States, people of color, for any purpose, unheard, for her intention to devote her talents to and more especially for the purpose of dissemithe instruction of her own sex-in a town in Con-nating the principles and doctrines opposed to the necticut-and her friends were threatened with the benevolent colonization system, praying said asterrors of the law, if they opened their mouthssembly to pass and enact such laws, as in their in her defence. If there is any law in Connecticut to prevent a female from teaching those who are "guilty of a skin not coloured like our own," or to punish her friends for speaking in her defence, it must be a part of the code of "Blue Laws." But such violent and insane proceedings cannot be too indignantly condemned. The people of Canterbury themselves, we are persuaded, will, ere long, be ashamed of their own conduct. When the present ridiculous excitement subsides, they will look back with shame and astonishment, at the strange delusion which led them into such rash measures. The Canterbury affair and Salem witchcraft, will be ranked together as evidences of the infatuation to which the minds of men are liable.-Phila. Friend, or Advocate of Truth. THE AFFAIR AT CANTERBURY. wisdom will prevent the evil; and that Andrew P. Judson, William Lester, Chester Lyon, Rufus Adams, Solomon Payne, Andrew T. Harris, Asahel Bacon, George S. White, Daniel Packer and Isaac Backus, be agents to do the same. Voted, that said agents respectfully request the inhabitants of other towns to proffer similar petitions, for the same laudable object. The foregoing is a true copy of Record: ANDREW T. JUDSON, Town Clerk." Fine business, truly!-Perhaps those who have been so much in the habit of reading homilies on constitutional law, to the "hair-brained emancipationists," might be instructed with a peep into that instrument which binds our States together, and there read for themselves, the rights of citizens going from one State to another-" for any We are sorry to learn by a gentleman from purpose,"--whether it be to "disseminate princiProvidence, that at the town meeting, held at ples and doctrines opposed to the benevolent coloCanterbury last Saturday, according to appoint-nization system," or in its favor,-so that they ment, resolutions were passed expressing the most decided determination, that the school of Miss Crandall for colored females, should not be estabFished in that town. It is added, that Rev. Mr. May, of Brooklyn, and Mr. Arnold Buffum, of Boston, (Agent of the New England Anti-Slavery Society,) attended the meeting, and asked the privilege, on behalf and by request of Miss Crandall, to make some remarks to the meeting, which private land, vend merchandize, or "make notions?" vilege was denied them. 66 66 conduct morally and peaceably. But what are the "evil consequences" which are so much to be deprecated," in the petitions to the Legislature of that State? And how can a petition" be "drawn up in suitable language," which "deprecates the evil consequences of bringing" people of color into that town, "for any purpose," whether to gain moral or literary instruction, culti Garrison is completely "out Garrisoned," in "fa body which ought to have been deliberative! But we do not believe a majority of the citizens of Canterbury favor such "wild schemes," even though backed by the declaration of a professing christian, "that before he would see the green polluted by a negro school, he would oppose it to the shedding of blood!"—Ib. We confess ourselves appalled by repeated in-naticism" and "incendiary" movements,-by a dications of this sort. What can they mean? Prejudice against color, is indeed, nothing new among us, especially among the vulgar. But hostility to schools for educating colored persons, is, we believe, among intelligent citizens, a phenomenon of recent appearance. Its origin deserves inquiry. Unless the American people can learn a different lesson of duty towards our colored population, our national chastisement is as certain as the exist ence of a just and merciful Ruler of the nations. Genius of Temperance. To Peter Morse, Roswell Allen, Ebenezer Sanger, Asahel Bacon, and Andrew T. Judson, select men of the town of Canterbury, in the State of Connecticut, We commend a careful perusal of, and special attention to, the first clause of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the U. States, which "WE THE PEOPLE" have ordained and established; and which the tyranny or cupidity of any body of men, will hardly be allowed to trample under foot. It reads thus: THE CANTERBURY AFFAIR. Some of the people of Canterbury are still exasperated about the school for colored misses, recently established by Miss Crandall. But very few of the thirty or forty scholars who were expected to commence with the term, have as yet attended-owing, probably, to the "fanaticism" which seems to have taken hold on the minds of so many of the sober citizens of that portion of the "land of steady habits;" and which vents itself in vexatious attempts at legally coercing the scholars to leave the town, and the teacher to abandon the enterprise. We have been favored by a cor- On Thursday evening, according to previous respondent, with the following copy of a proceed. "appointment, the discussion on the comparative The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."-Ib. DISCUSSION ON COLONIZATION. Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum. merits of the principles of the Colonization Society, and of the friends of immediate abolition, as a means for the safe and salutary extinction of slavery, took place in Clinton Hall. Rev. Mr. Frost, of Whitesboro' presided. The meeting was opened with prayer by Rev. Leonard Bacon, of New Haven. Mr. R. S. Finley, agent of the Colonization Society, opened the discussion, in favor of its claims, and spoke precisely one hour. He was followed, for the same length of time, by Rev. S. S. Jocelyn, of New Haven, in favor of the principles of immediate emancipation. Mr. Finley then occupied ten minutes, Mr. Jocelyn, ten, and Mr. Finley, ten; when the debate terminated. The Hall was thronged to overflowing. Among the audience we noticed distinguished gentlemen, from various parts of the country, including one or two clergymen from the south. Much light, we are persuaded, was elicited, and we hope such discussions will be repeated. An intense interest was kept up until after ten o'clock. Is that strong hope, that I'm made free, From the Liberator. Died, at Newton, on the 28th ult. JOHN KENRICK, Esq. President of the New England AntiSlavery Society, aged 77. We can scarcely find language to express our feelings in relation to this afflictive dispensation. Mr. Kenrick has long been distinguished as a philanthropist. His generosity to the poor, his sympathy for the afflicted, and his activity in the cause of benevolence, have secured him an affectionate remembrance in the For the Genius of Universal Emancipation. The following lines were written by a black hearts of all who knew him. He was an aboliman, a slave, residing in the lower parts of Vir- tionist, in the true sense of the word. He has ginia. They were presented by him to his mas-contributed, at different times, six hundred dollars ter, who afterwards acknowledged to a friend, that he was struck with admiration upon reading them. Their insertion in the Genius of Universal Emancipation will oblige A SUBSCRIBER. THE NEGRO'S PRAYER. Lord dost thou with equal eyes, to promote the objects of the New England Anti- The denunciations contained in the following fragment, taken from a northern paper, will apply with peculiar force to the politicians of the south, who seem determined to agitate the question of slavery "for political purposes,” and, as would ap-. pear from their own showing, "with a full knowledge of its fearful consequences." SLAVERY. Since the formation of our government, this subject has been regarded by the prudent and patriotic of all parties with apprehension. Party spirit may "take any shape but that," and be harmless; but when we let loose this tremendous and uncontrollable engine, no one can predict the result. To the south it must bring horrors infinite, and almost inconceivable. It must split the union into pieces; drench the south in blood, and establish in our territory a nation equally powerful and ferocious, besotted and fearful. No one who cherishes the ordinary attributes of humanity can anticipate the inevitable results of this madness without a thrill of horror; or witness the ef forts made both in the north and south to effect it without the deepest and liveliest indignation. The fanatic who would wake this slumbering volcano, from the impulses of a blind and erring philanthropy should be confined as a madman; but the wretch who for political purposes, and with a full knowledge of its fearful consequences agitates this subject-such a man would "pour the milk of concord into hell"-and should be treated as an enemy of the human race. |