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this, he went to Paul, and was with the apostle when he wrote his Second Epistle to the Corinthians. And with Paul may he have been at the interview with the Ephesian elders, and, as a representative of the apostle, remained with the church over which they presided.

The details into which we have gone, show that there was time sufficient for the movements assigned to Timothy. Of his visit to Macedonia and return to Ephesus, before the departure of Paul, we cannot speak positively, because the indications of time in the Acts are here very vague (Acts xix. 20-22); but between the time of Paul's quitting Ephesus and the ensuing November, there were three months in which Timothy might set in order the church in that place, and two for his journey to his father in the faith. If, indeed, we allow time for Timothy to receive the letter after Paul's departure, we shall then not have many weeks in which Timothy could execute his master's instructions. As, however, the evils which Paul wished to cure were of a pressing nature, and were known to him when he left Ephesus, we may reasonably think that he took the first moment of leisure in order to impress on the mind of Timothy the great purposes for which he had been left behind Nor is it unlikely, considering the disturbed state of the city when Paul left it, that Timothy may have found it difficult to maintain himself there at that time for longer than some three months. It may be an indication that Ephesus was even a year afterwards not free from agitation and peril, at least to Paul, that the apostle, when on his road to Jerusalem, instead of repairing thither, met the elders of the church at Miletus. It confirms the opinion that the letter was written shortly after Paul's departure, that Hug fixes Whitsuntide (A. D. 59) as the time of its composition.

The whole of these views, however, have but an insufficient historical basis. What is certain in the literary history of the New Testament is not augmented and confirmed, but invalidated and rendered suspicious, by mixing and confounding with it probable combinations and plausible conjectures. If Providence has curtailed our knowledge, we should bow in modest acquiescence, and not irreverently attempt to fill up the chasms by inflated bubbles or harsh dogmatism.

Improper steps of this kind have produced a natural reaction, and led some to deny the authenticity of both Paul's letters to Timothy. In this step they have found their chief support in the defects of our historical documents.

If, however, we carefully look into the substance of the letter now before us, we shall find sufficient reason to hold fast to its Pauline origin. The great aim of the Epistle, namely, to assist Timothy in giving a

proper organisation to the church, was one which was likely to be entertained by Paul; who, though he expected the speedy appearance of Jesus, yet did he earnestly desire to collect a people prepared for the Lord, and for that purpose knew that some means of personal influence and instruction were indispensable. The necessity was the greater in Ephesus, because of the disturbances which had necessitated his own departure and threatened the very existence of the church, which was likely to stand firm against pressure and violence from without only if made into an organised, compact, and well-working corporation. The danger was the greater, and the need of Paul's advice and the presence of Timothy the greater too, because falsities and collisions assailed and troubled the community.

If, moreover, the character of those errors and rivalries is studied, they will be found to be essentially the same with those which from other sources are known to have prevailed in Asia Minor, especially at Ephesus. See EPHESUS, EPHESIANS, PHILOSOPHY.

The doctrinal teachings of the Epistle are also Pauline. It has, indeed, been said (Credner, Das Neue Testament, ii. 110) that the statement in 1 Tim. ii. 4, that God desires the salvation of all, is contrary to Paul's general view; though the same doctrine is expressly, and even more strongly, set forth in Rom. ii. 6, seq.; v. 12, seq.; x. 12; xi. 32. 1 Cor. xv. 21, seq. It would be easy to exhibit other correspondences in doctrine between this letter and acknowledged writings of Paul, whose earnest, lofty, glowing, yet considerate spirit, appears in it in features too numerous and too marked to be mistaken.

The place from which this First Epistle to Timothy was written cannot be determined, but it confirms the view we have given to find that it presents at its close no greetings. If written on his journey, or in a moment snatched from active labour in the less known parts of Europe, its author would have no time for any thing save those instructions which were all-important, and the necessity for which pressed heavily on the writer's mind; nor would Paul find in persons around him points of connection between his then condition and the one that he had left at Ephesus. Where he was, there were probably few or none who had personal friends in the Ephesian church to whom Paul might transmit greetings; and he him. self was probably too uncertain of the faithfulness of its members to know what tone, in the actual circumstances, he should take towards persons whom he might otherwise have saluted as beloved brethren. Besides, inasmuch as the Epistle was addressed by an individual to an individual, there was no need for any recognition of others, especially as the communication was essentially of a private nature, containing, as it did, express

Instructions to Timothy for his own personal
guidance.

If this Epistle was not written by Paul, it
must have had for its author one equal to
Paul in genins, and similar to him in com-
plexion of thought and elevation of purpose.
But two Pauls are as inconceivable as two
suns. A Paul that could descend to decep-
tion, would by the act prove himself to be
no Paul.

The Second Epistle to Timothy, which also bears the name of Paul as its author (i. 1), was written at a time when the latter was a prisoner (8, 12, 16; ii. 9), expecting the second appearance of the Messiah (10, 12; iv. 8), also his own immediate departare (iv. C, seq.), and under trying and painful circumstances (ii. 11, 12), in order to strengthen Timothy in the gospel and in his official duties as overseer of the church (i. 6, 8; ii. 1, seq., 24; iv. 1, sey.; and particularly to guide and aid him in correcting false doctrine and misconduct (ii. 14, seq.; iii. 1, seq.); as well as to lead him to practise the virtues of the gospel (ii. 22, seq.), encouraged by Paul's example, which was well known to him (iii. 10, seq.). From i. 17, it is probable that Rome was the place whence the letter was sent. This conclusion 13 greatly confirmed by other facts just detailed. It thus appears that the Epistle was sent to Timothy by Paul when a prisoner at Rome, suffering greatly for the cause of Christ. This endurance arose not merely from his being a prisoner. He had, it seems, had a hearing of his cause. On this occasion he was forsaken by all, being thus made like his Lord when in his hour of anguish and ignominy, all forsook him and fled.' And while Christians of Asia Minor were alienated from the apostle, Demas, seduced by his love of the present world, had also abandoned him. Others had departed Crescens to Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia, and Tychicus had been sent to Ephesus. Luke only was with him. Hence he is led to beg Timothy to use his best efforts in order to come to him shortly.

The place where Timothy was when Paul wrote to him this second communication, may be probably ascertained by circumstauces therein found. Thus in i. 15, Paul uses words which seem to imply that his son was in Asia and intimately acquainted with the Christian churches in that land, especially with the church at Ephesus (18). The official duties enjoined on Timothy in this Epistle are similar to those he is required in the former to exercise at Ephesus, and the state of mind in regard to errors to be guarded against and corrected is also similar. In the mention of names in iv. 10, seq., the laws of association suggest an argument tending to show that Timothy was at Ephesus; for no sooner does Paul mention that city, than he immediately adverts to

ΤΙΜ

Timothy (12, 13). A similar confirmation desire to see Timothy, Paul adds, being is found in i. 4, where, speaking of his great mindful of thy tears. The idea of seeing last time he saw his disciple. When was him brings up the associated idea of the when he took leave of Timothy at the tearful that? According to the view we have given, interview with the Ephesian elders. The Epistle confirm the view names mentioned in the last chapter of the nected with Asia Minor, being known to the Demas was conchurch at Colosse (Col. iv. 14); also Luke, cian,' as well as Crescens (2 Timothy iv. called in the same place the beloved physi10). Mark, moreover, was connected with especially Col. iv. 10). Tychicus belonged Asia (Acts xii. 25; xiii. 5, 13. Philem. 24, to Troas (Acts xx. 4); and as he bore the letter to the Colossians (iv. 7), so may be have borne this letter to Timothy, for he 12), with which church he was well aewas sent by Paul to Ephesus (2 Tim. iv. quainted (Ephes. vi. 2), and Carpus was an inhabitant of Troas (2 Tim. iv. 13), while 33). Aquila was of Pontus (Acts xviii. 2 Alexander belonged to Ephesus (Acts xix. Prisca, in 2 Tim. iv. 19, is another form of Priscilla, Aquila's wife). Onesiphorus ideclared by Winer to be a Christian et Ephesus (2 Tim. i. 16; iv. 19). Trophi mus was an Ephesian (Acts xx. 4; xxi. 29) but the Greek form of the name renders it Eubulus is mentioned only in this chapter, likely that he was connected with Asia. Of Pudens, Linus, and Claudia, nothing can place. Erastus is found with Paul and Tibe said, as these names occur in no other him into Macedonia (Acts xix. 22). Tuus mothy in Ephesus, and both are sent by every name of which we know any thing is with Ephesus. There is one exception, that found to be more or less closely connected Paul, was doubtless well known to Timothy. of Titus, and he, as a fellow-worker with The decisive proof that Timothy was in Asia remains to be mentioned. Having requested adds, the cloke that I left at Troas with Timothy to come to him at Rome, the apostle Carpus, when thou comest, bring with thee (2 Tim. iv. 13). Troas lay on the northwestern extremity of Asia Minor, between Natural, therefore, was Paul's request. And Paul in Rome and Timothy, if in Ephesus. in proceeding from Ephesus to Rome, Troas likely to pass, not only as having been twice was a place through which Timothy was passed through by Paul (Acts xvi. 8, 11 xx. 5, seq.), but also as affording the best involving least exposure to the sea. way to Rome, being at once the shortest and

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The concurrence of these minute, inci dental, and independent circumstances, ren ders it at the least very probable that Timothy was at Ephesus when Paul wrote to him this his Second Epistle. This conclu

sion confirms the view given in the previous article, and causes the two letters to give and receive aid in the establishment of their Pauline origin, and the ascertaining of the person to whom they were sent.

We are also confirmed in the opinion that the letter was written by Paul to Timothy by the fact, learnt in our minute inquiry into these names, that so far as our know. ledge extends, every thing accords with that opinion. The persons mentioned are persons with whom Paul and Timothy were acquainted; and most of them were persons whom the history would lead us to expect in the case. And when attention is given to the cursory manner in which these names are let drop from the writer's pen, it is very difficult to conceive that we have here to do with any thing but a reality.

The letter bears traces of an anxious mind. Paul had been before his judges, and there stood alone. Some had proved faithless, others had become prudent. A second hearing had probably been less afflictive. Still, danger and death seemed near. The aged confessor wanted one on whom he could rely. He therefore writes to Timothy, urging him to come, and, if he could, to come before winter (2 Tim. iv. 21). Hence the Epistle wears the appearance of having been composed a short time before Paul's imprisonment at Rome issued in his martyrdom. As such, it is specially interesting; and as such, its tone of affectionate earnestness and concern is natural and becoming.

The authenticity of this Epistle has been questioned and denied without sufficient grounds. Though we are disposed to assign a somewhat later date for its composition than Lardner, namely A. D. 61, we concur in these his words: 'It appears to me very probable that this Second Epistle to Timothy was written at Rcme, when Paul was sent thither by Festus. And I cannot but think that this ought to be an allowed and determined point.' It is first mentioned by Irenæus (born at Smyrna in the early part of the second century), who, speaking of Linus, says he is the same as Paul mentions in those (well-known) Epistles to Timothy.'

TIN (L. stannum?) was known to the Hebrews (Numb. xxxi. 22. Ezek. xxii. 18, 20) under the name of bedel, a word which some say comes from a root meaning 'to separate;' because, among other mysterious qualities, tin was held to have the power of separating mixed metals. Tin, in Ezek. xxii. 18 (comp. Isaiah i. 25), is mentioned among inferior metals, as if accounted dross,' where also is implied the fact of its entering into amalgams. Such a compound was produced when tin was mixed with copper, forming, not brass, which is copper and zinc, but bronze-a metal employed before iron, and from its being hard and capable of receiving an edge, serviceable in the fabrication

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of arms. Bronze was also used in the formation of mirrors. Tin (in Greek, kassiteris) was in very remote ages procured from the Cassiterides, or Scilly Isles (and Cornwall), by Phoenician navigators and their dependencies, and sent eastward, through Syria and Palmyra, to distant parts of Asia (Craik's History of British Commerce,' i. chap. i.). Wilkinson, in his instructive, interesting, and trustworthy work, The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians,' says (iii. 253), The skill of the Egyptians in compounding metals is abundantly proved by the vases, mirrors, arms, and implements of bronze discovered at Thebes and other parts of Egypt; and the numerous methods they adopted for varying the composition of bronze by a judicious mixture of alloys, are shown in many qualities of the metal. They had even the secret of giving to bronze blades a certain degree of elasticity, as may be seen in the dagger of the Berlin Museum. Another remarkable feature in their bronze is the resistance it offers to the effect of the atmosphere; some continuing smooth and bright though buried for ages, and some presenting the appearance of previous oxida tion purposely induced.' See IRON.

TIPHSAH, a city on the western margin of the Euphrates, forming the north-eastern limit of Solomon's kingdom; probably Thapsacus, afterwards called Amphipolis.

TIRAS, a son of Japhet, is held to have been the progenitor of the Thracians (Gen. x. 2). Thrace was a district on the north of Greece, bounded on the east by the Pontus Euxinus (the Black sea); on the south, by the Propontis and the Egean sea (Archipelago); on the west, by the river Strymon; and on the north, by the mountainous range of Hamus. The river Hebrus ran through the land.

TIRHAKAH, a king of Ethiopia or Cush (See page 440), who made war on Sennacherib when threatening Jerusalem (2 Kings xix. 9. Is. xxxvii. 9). He is the same as Taracos of Manetho, the third king of the 25th dynasty, who, as an Ethiopian monarch, ruled over a part of Egypt. According to Strabo, Tirhakah penetrated to the pillars of Hercules, or Gibraltar. Hitzig fixes his reign 714-696 A. C. This is one of the points in which the history of Egypt coincides with that of the Hebrews.

TIRZAH (H. pleasant), a royal Canaanitish city conquered by Joshua (Josh. xii. 24), which fell to the share of Ephraim, and became the capital of the kingdom of Israel (1 Kings xiv. 17). Zimri, besieged by Omri, destroyed its palace and himself with fire (xvi. 17, 18). The latter, having reigned in Tirzah six years, transferred the seat of empire to Samaria (23, 24). Tirzah, which lay some twelve miles to the east of Samaria, was celebrated for the loveliness of its natural scenery (Cant vi. 4).

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TITHES (T. G. zehnte), that is tenths, seem founded on a reverence for the number ten, which, as the number of the fingers and the toes, as well as from certain quali ties found or fancied in the number itself, was in the primeval ages held a sacred number, became the foundation of the decimal (L. decem, 'ten') system of computation (comp. Numb. xi. 19), and was, in the Decalogue or table of Ten Commandments, made the centre of the Mosaic polity. In a religion having such a nucleus (compare Matt. xxv. 1), tithes could hardly be absent; especially as they existed before Mosaism, considered as a separate institution, came into existence. Tithes were given by Abraham to Melchizedek; and the transaction is simply mentioned, as if one that was well known (Gen. xiv. 20. Heb. vii. 2). Jacob also consecrated a tithe of his property to God (Gen. xxviii. 22).

-

Of

In the Mosaic law, the tithe, or tenth of all the products of the earth, including the field, the orchard, and the garden, with the flock and the herd in general, whatever was eatable-was annually to be paid by every Israelite, as tenant of the land, to its sole proprietor, Jehovah, who appropriated the same to the support of the national religion and worship; and accordingly resigned the wealth thus accruing to the levites in vir. tue of their office, and in consideration of their possessing no share in the land. these tithes, the fruits of the earth might be redeemed by the payment of one-fifth beyond what they were worth, not in the general market, we presume, but in the sanctuary (Lev. xxvii. 30-33. Numb. xviii. 21, seq.). Of these tithes, the levites had to pay a tenth to the priests (Numb. xviii. 26-30. 2 Chron. xxxi. 4-6. Neh. x. 37, 38). In Deuter. xiv. 22-27 (comp. xii. 6, seq.), the tithe is to be enjoyed in a social meal before the sanctuary, in company with the levite, strangers, widows, and orphans; and if the distance at which any one lived was too great to bring the tithe in kind, he was to turn the objects into mouey, and, proceeding to the holy place, expend it at his pleasure for the above-mentioned purposes (xiv. 28; xxvi. 12-14). The same passages require a tithe banquet to be held every third year at each dwelling-place. It may not be easy to reconcile these injunctions, of which the first seems to give all tithes to the levitical order, the second to reserve no small portion of them in the hands of the donor who admits the levite as his guest. Winer holds the latter ordinances to be an expan sion of the original tithe system, designed to favour the levites. This view cannot be sustained, because the levites are not favoured, but the reverse, and because any change made in the original legislation, under the auspices of the sacerdotal order, could hardly fail to have specially promoted their inte

TIT

rests. If, however, we view the enactments as constituting portions of one tithe-law, the current, and tithes would thus be a tenth of several parts may in the main be found conthe annual increase, appropriated to the service of the temple and its servants, as well as to the purposes of hospitality, friendship, and charity Should this view find due sup port, it would, by presenting the tithes as a port, and prove applicable in its fullest imneedy classes, serve to lessen the force of great national provision for the learned and the objection to the Mosaic polity, that, besides other sources of revenue, the levitical order, which probably did not constitute more than one-fiftieth of the nation, yet possessed one-tenth of its annual substance.

Doubtless, with the debasement of the national character, the sacerdotal body, whose power was very great, worked the system for speak of a second and a third tithe (comp. their own aggrandisement. The Talmudists Joseph. Antiq. iv. 8, 22); which, if, as would have been found very oppressive. If, in adappear, they were separate exactions, must dition, a tenth was payable to the regal gohaving also so much of their wealth to part vernment (1 Samuel viii. 15), the Israelites, kinds, purchased at a dear rate the advanwith in connection with offerings of various tages of their social and religions institu tions. See TAXES.

6

In

representing the inscription put by Pilate TITLE, a Latin word in English letters, over the head of our Lord, declaratory of the 19) with strict propriety speaks of as 'a title," reason why he was crucified. What John (xix. Matthew terms his accusation,' and Mark, 'title,' as John informs us, was written to the 'the superscription of his accusation.' This following effect: 'Jesus of Nazareth, the King of the Jews.' Of course it must have been usual for the title, inscribed on a piece of written on a tablet of some kind. It was wood, to be set on the top of the cross. a mixed population the inscription was in Gordian, on the borders of Persia, bad a divers languages: the grave of the third title or inscription written in Greck, Latin, Persian, Jewish, and Egyptian letters. the case of the title set over the cross of Jesus, the Hebrew (John xix. 20; compare Luke xxiii. 38) naturally stood first, as being the vernacular. It is also in agreement with what might have been expected from the existence in Judea of the Roman dominion, have a Latin name. that the tablet bearing the charge should That name, titulus,

In

has here a genuine classical sense, such as was current in the age of Augustus; from which the term afterward deviated more and signify a title of honour, and in the plural more as time went on, till at last it came to to denote a place of worship. The use of the term titulus, therefore, is an argument that the Gospel of John was produced near

the age to which the crucifixion refers, and under circumstances which gave the writer opportunities of minute and exact information.

The tablet bearing the title is said to have been discovered by Helen, the mother of Constantine, and by her conveyed (A. D. 325) to Rome, where it was preserved in the church of the Holy Cross; and at length, in 1492, to have been anew brought to light, being found in the vaulted roof of the same church while it was undergoing repairs. The facts were asserted by an inscription and a bull of Pope Alexander VI. Without expressing an opinion as to the identity of the discovered with the original title, or entering into the consideration of some verbal questions connected with the subject, we present to the reader a fac-simile of the portion of the title, such as it was seen and described by Nicquetus (Titulus Sanctæ Crucis, authore Honorato Nicqueto, 1695). The inscription corresponds with the statement of John, presenting traces of the Hebrew first, then the Greek, and then the Latin. The words, conformably to ancient custom in Judea, are

read from right to left. The Hebrew is the least, the Latin the most distinct. The last presents in full the word NAZARENUS, the Nazarene (of Nazareth,' John xix. 19), with two letters, apparently R and E, which with X would make REX or King; so that, as John states, the title thus appears to have run-Jesus of Nazareth, the King of the Jews,' and consequently contained the scoffing implication that Jesus had suffered death for high treason against the Roman sovereignty.

The mention of the three languages, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, is in the case perfectly natural; for it was requisite that the accusation should be legible to the native population and to the Jews of the dispersion, as well as the proselytes, speaking Greek and Latin, that had come from all parts of the world in order to celebrate the solemnities of the Passover; and well do these three tongues correspond with and symbolize the three great currents of civilisation and social influence which were then gathered together in Jerusalem as a great

common centre.

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JIYMƏTAZA И ІЯГѴИЗЛАГАИ

TITUS was a fellow-labourer with Paul, of Greek parentage (Gal. ii. 1-3), and converted by the apostle, who hence calls him his own son (Tit. i. 4). He remained uncircumcised (Gal. ii. 3).

Of the details of his history little is known. Luke, in the Acts of the Apostles, has given no account of him. Paul supplies brief notices of Titus, which, though fragmentary, are valuable because incidental. From these we learn that Titus accompanied Paul in his visit from Antioch to Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 1— 3). Then is he sent by Paul from Ephesus to Corinth (2 Cor. vii. 13, 14; xii. 18). The apostle, having been disappointed in expect ing to find at Troas Titus, his 'brother' (ii. 13), met him in Macedonia (vii. 5, seq.), whence he again sent him to Corinth, with his Second letter to the church in that city (viii. 6, 16-18, 23). Continuing to work

with Paul, Titus is left by him in the island of Crete (Tit. i. 5), was with him in Rome, whence he proceeded to Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10). Paul wrote to him a letter while he was in Crete, in which he requests Titus to come to him at Nicopolis when the apostle should send to him Artemas or Tychicus (Tit. iii. 12). These latter facts do not completely fall in with the known events of Paul's history; but as our acquaintance with that history, especially in its concluding portions, is fragmentary and defective, we are not at liberty to determine that they are not to be received. This would be to draw a positive conclusion from our ignorance. If they presented an obvious contradiction to known facts, the state of the case would be far different. As it is, these scattered notices could scarcely have been fabricated, and therefore they possess a claim on our credence. In

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