In 1675, Locke went to reside in France for the benefit of his health. From the time of his landing at Calais, he kept a daily journal, in which he recorded his observations on the state of the country, and the various objects which appeared most interesting to him as a stranger; and he also inserted notes and dissertations on medical, metaphysical, and theological subjects. From this journal, a copious selection of extracts is introduced into the Life,' which will afford the reader instruction as well

as amusement.

In general, the particulars which have been inserted from the journal, are such as are either curious and interesting, as records of former times, or as they afford a contrast between the present prosperous state of France and its former condition; where the extremes of splendour and misery marked the nature of the old and despotic government, the paradise of monarchs and courtiers, but the purgatory of honest and industrious citizens and peasants, whom French lawyers were pleased to describe, and French nobles to treat, as "tailleable et corvéable" animals, who lived, and moved, and had their beings only for the benefit of the privileged orders.' pp. 39, 40.

The Edict of Nantz was not revoked till ten years after this period; but the journal contains some entries relative to the persecution of the French Protestants, from which we may partly learn the nature and extent of the injuries which they sustained from the bigotry and barbarity of the 'Most Christian King,' Lewis XIV.

January 3, 1676. To Nismes.

The Protestants at Nismes have now but one temple, the other being pulled down by the King's order about four years since. Two of their consuls are Papists, and two Protestants, but are not permitted to receive the sacrament in their robes as formerly. The Protestants had built themselves an hospital for their sick, but that is taken from them; a chamber in it is left for their sick, but never used, because the Priests trouble them when there; but notwithstanding their discouragement, I do not find that many of them go over one of them told me, when I asked him the question, that the Papists did nothing but by force or money.

Uzes, a town in the province not far from Nismes, was wont to send every year a Protestant Deputy to the Assembly of the States at Montpellier, the greatest part being Protestant; but they were forbid to do it this year; and this week, the Protestants have an order from the King to choose no more consuls of the town of their religion. And their temple is ordered to be pulled down, the only one they have left there, though three quarters of the town be Protestants. The pretence given is, that their temple being too near the Papist church, their singing of psalms disturbed the service. **

Feb. 5th. The Protestants have here (Montpellier) common jus

tice generally, unless it be against a new convert, whom they will favour; they pay no more taxes than their neighbours, but are incapable of public charges and offices. They have had, within these ten years at least, 160 churches pulled down.

Montpellier has 30,000 people in it, of whom there are 8,000 communicants of the Protestant church. They tell me, the number of Protestants within the last twenty or thirty years has manifestly increased here, and do daily, notwithstanding their loss every day of some privilege or other. Their consistories had power formerly to examine witnesses upon oath, which within these ten years has been taken from them.

21st. The King has made a law that persons of different religions shall not marry, which often causes the change of religion, especially sequioris sexus.

*

*

Paris. A devout lady being sick, and besieged by the Carmes, made her will, and gave them all: the Bishop of Bellay coming to see her after it was done, asked whether she had made her will; she answered yes, and told him how: he convinced her it was not well, and she desiring to alter it, found a difficulty how to do it, being so beset by the friars. The Bishop bid her not trouble herself for it, but presently took order that two notaries, habited as physicians, should come to her, who being by her bed-side, the Bishop told the company it was convenient all should withdraw; and so the former will was revoked, and a new one made and put into the Bishop's hands. The lady dies, the Carmes produce their will, and for some time the Bishop lets them enjoy the pleasure of their inheritance; but at last, taking out the other will, he says to them, "Mes frères, you are the sons of Eliah, children of the Old Testament, and have no share in the New." This is that Bishop of Bellay who has writ so much against monks and monkery.'

An excellent article on Study', begun in March 1677, continued at intervals, and finished in May, apparently during a journey, is inserted at pp. 90-108. It is quite worthy of its Author, and evinces the same spirit of inquiry and caution, and the same determination in the pursuit of the objects of knowledge, that distinguish the Essay, the rudiments of which, indeed, it comprises. We can scarcely permit ourselves to separate any part of this discourse from its connection; but, as an inducement to our readers to peruse the whole, we present them with the following extracts.

1677, March 6th. The end of study is knowledge, and the end of knowledge, practice or communication.

*

But if it were fit for me to marshal the parts of knowledge, and allot to any one its place and precedency, thereby to direct one's studies, I should think it were natural to set them in this order.

1. Heaven being our great business and interest, the knowledge which may direct us thither, is certainly so too, so that this is without

peradventure the study that ought to take the first and chiefest place in our thoughts; but wherein it consists, its parts, method, and application, will deserve a chapter by itself.

2. The next thing to happiness in the other world, is a quiet prosperous passage through this, which requires a discreet conduct and management of ourselves in the several occurrences of our lives. The study of prudence then seems to me to deserve the second place in our thoughts and studies. A man may be, perhaps, a good man (which lives in truth and sincerity of heart towards God) with a small portion of prudence, but he will never be very happy in himself, nor useful to others without: these two are every man's business.

3. If those who are left by their predecessors with a plentiful fortune, are excused from having a particular calling, in order to their subsistence in this life, it is yet certain that, by the law of God, they are under an obligation of doing something.

*

Our happiness being thus parcelled out, and being in every part of it very large, it is certain we should set ourselves on work without ceasing, did not both the parts we are made up of bid us hold. Our bodies and our minds are neither of them capable of continual study; and if we take not a just measure of our strength, in endeavouring to do a great deal, we shall do nothing.

The knowledge we acquire in this world, I am apt to think extends not beyond the limits of this life. The beautiful vision of the other life needs not the help of this dim twilight; but, be that as it will, I am sure the principal end why we are to get knowledge here, is to make use of it for the benefit of ourselves and others in this world; but if by gaining it we destroy our health, we labour for a thing that will be useless in our hands; and if by harassing our bodies (though with a design to render ourselves more useful) we deprive ourselves of the abilities and opportunities of doing that good we might have done with a meaner talent, which God thought sufficient for us by having denied us the strength to improve it to that pitch which men of stronger constitutions can attain to, we rob God of so much service, and our neighbour of all that help which, in a state of health, with moderate knowledge, we might have been able to perform. He that sinks his vessel by overloading it, though it be with gold and silver and precious stones, will give his owner but an ill account of his voyage.

The subject being chosen, the body and mind being both in a temper fit for study, what remains but that a man betake himself to it. These certainly are good preparatories; yet, if there be not something else done, perhaps we shall not make all the profit we might.

1st. It is a duty we owe to God as the fountain and author of all truth, who is truth itself, and it is a duty also we owe ourselves, if we will deal candidly and sincerely with our own souls, to have our minds constantly disposed to entertain and receive truth wheresoever we meet with it, or under whatsoever appearance of plain or ordinary, strange, new, or perhaps displeasing, it may come in our way. Truth is the proper object, the proper riches and furniture of the mind; and according as his stock of this is, so is the difference and value of one man above another. He that fills his head with vain notions and false

opinions, may have his mind perhaps puffed up and seemingly much enlarged, but in truth it is narrow and empty; for all that it comprehends, all that it contains, amounts to nothing, or less than nothing; for falsehood is below ignorance, and a lie worse than nothing.'

Locke returned to England in May 1679, his patron, Shaftesbury, being then at the head of the administration. From this period, he was committed to the fortunes of his leader, to whose politics his own corresponded, and in the support of which he now took a more active part. The necessities of Charles the Second had compelled him to call Shaftesbury and others to his councils; but that subtle politician found reasons to unite with the popular party, and becoming obnoxious to the Court, where he had possessed only the semblance of favour, he was obliged to provide for his safety. He retired into Holland, at the end of the year 1682, where he died soon after his arrival. Locke also took refuge in that country about the end of August 1683, where he remained till the extraordinary events which changed the politics of his native land, and introduced a new dynasty to the throne, had prepared the way for his safe and honourable return. Lord King has very briefly noticed the arbitrary measures of the Court, which, previously to Locke's constrained expatriation, had destroyed Lord Russell, and was preparing the mock and murderous trial of Sidney; and he very strongly remarks on the part which the church was taking in the support

of them.

Nothing, perhaps, can more clearly prove the unscrupulous atrocity and violence of those unhappy times, than the form of Prayer, or rather of Commination, against the country party, ordered by the King's proclamation to be read, together with his declaration, in all the churches on the 9th of September, 1683. It is indeed lamentable to observe, that the Church of England then made herself the willing handmaid of a bloody government, exciting the passions of the congregations, and through them, inflaming the juries before the trials of all the accused were finished. The following composition may be presumed to be the pious production of the heads of our Church at that time, though, from its tone and spirit, it should seem rather to have proceeded from the mouth of the Mufti and the Ulema, than from the bishops and rulers of the Christian Church of England.'

pp. 139, 140.

This form of Prayer is too copious to be laid before our readers. That time was not the only period in our annals that has afforded pregnant instances of the facility with which the bishops and rulers of the Church could yield to the unhallowed passions and purposes of the Court. We know not to whom is committed the actual preparation of the extraordinary Forms of Prayer in the Church of England; but even in our own day,

these compositions have reflected any thing but credit on their authors. The last, for the King's Recovery, might put even an illiterate person to the blush.

The proceedings of the Court, flushed with its triumphs over the friends of liberty, and exulting in the success which had followed its measures of coercion and terror, were such as to furnish very abundant reasons for congratulation on the part of those who, like Locke, had been able to reach a foreign asylum. Unable to lay its vindictive hand upon the person of the man whose blood it would have been glad to shed, the vengeance of the Court sought its gratification by mean and grovelling methods; and Locke, soon after his flight into Holland, was removed from his studentship at Christ Church by royal mandate. In this instance, says Mr. Fox, one would almost imagine there was some instinctive sagacity in the Government of that time, 'which pointed out to them, even before he had made himself known to the world, the man who was destined to be the most 'successful adversary of superstition and tyranny.' The odium which attaches to this transaction, has been represented, and generally understood, as falling upon the University, which, according to Mr. Fox's account, cast away, from the base principle of servility, the man, the having produced whom is now 'her chiefest glory.' Professor Stewart, following this account as his authority, speaks of Oxford as the University from 'which Mr. Locke had been expelled.' Lord Grenville, in the tract entitled, "Oxford and Locke", has corrected these misstatements, and shewn, from an examination of the case, that Locke was deprived of his studentship by the dean and chapter of the college to which he belonged, in obedience to the command of the King. Lord King admits the correction, but remarks, that if we acquit the University of any direct share in the business, we may not unfairly conclude from the spirit and temper then prevalent at Oxford, that the University was accessary to that disgraceful deed.' Fell's letter to Sunderland, is stigmatized by Lord Grenville in the strongest terms. 'The meanness of Fell's letter', he remarks, no honest man could 'wish to palliate it is stamped with an indelible brand of servility and treachery, and shews what are the moral feelings acceptable to despotism, and natural to slavery.' But the evidence is certainly as ample and as conclusive, in respect to this kind of moral feelings, against the University itself, as against Fell. Lord Grenville has been at great pains to exonerate the University altogether from the imputation or suspicion of being participant in the disgrace of Locke's removal. The known character of the University, however, and its public acts, forbid us to accept his vindication as a true and efficient defence. has proved the fact as we have stated it, but he has done no

He