CHAP. IX. 1264 The Battle of Lewes Defeat of the king; return of Prince Edward : dragon of England, flying in their van. The struggle here was long and stubbornly contested, but eventually the baronial forces, having the advantage of the position, routed their adversaries at all points. King Henry, who fought bravely and had his horse killed under him, was driven back into the priory, round the walls of which for some time the battle was continued. Many of the vanquished were left on the field, or were driven into the marshes, where they were smothered.1 But few of this body can have made their escape. King Richard, who seems to have fought his way some distance up the hill-side, was surrounded and compelled to take refuge in a windmill.2 Here he was assailed with shouts of 'Come down, come down, thou wretched miller! thou who didst so lately defy us poor barons, with thy titles of King of the Romans and "Semper Augustus," come down!' It was no place in which to stand a long siege, and he therefore soon surrendered. Prince Edward came back to find his uncle a prisoner, his father surrounded, without a chance of escape, and the greater part of the royalist forces routed or slain.3 He was however about to renew the conflict, when his Chron. Lanercost 74, says that many were found afterwards sitting upright in their saddles, with their arms stretched out, and their swords in their hands, as if they had been alive. 2 This windmill was for a long time afterwards pointed out as King Harrys mill, but has long ceased to exist. The spot in which tradition fixes it is where a public-house now stands, on the right-hand side of the street, just below the gaol.-Blaauw, Barons' War, p. 202. The accounts of what happened to the prince after his return are very confused and inconsistent. I have taken what seems to be on the whole the most probable view, which is mainly that of Rishanger (de Bellis, &c.). Some say he entered the castle, which he could hardly have done, seeing that if he had he would not have surrendered so easily, and that the castle was probably taken by this time others that he CHAP. IX. 1264 Surrender own followers, seeing it was all over, took to flight. Among them were the Earl of Warenne and William of Valence, the latter of whom probably expected flight of his small mercy from de Montfort. They succeeded in troops: cutting their way through the town, and escaping across the bridge to Pevensey, whence they took ship for France. The prince, thus deserted, took sanctuary with the few who were left to him in the church of the Franciscans, or as others say in the priory itself. The victory of the barons was now complete, and the priory, the last stronghold of the royalists, would probably have soon been taken by storm had not wiser counsels prevailed, or darkness put an end to the conflict.2 About nightfall a truce was made. Prince Edward surrendered himself as hostage for his father, while Prince Henry of Almaine did the same for the King of the Romans. Simon de Montfort was undisputed lord of England. fought his way into the priory, which is more likely. Some say he surrendered at once; others that he did so next day to save his father. Some say that the king surrendered to Simon ; others that he would only yield to Gloucester, from hatred of the other. Rish. Chron. is here inconsistent. It first says these nobles were with Edward, then that they deserted the king. A combination with Rish. de Bellis, &c. gives what I believe to be the truth: cf. Walt. de Hemingb. 317. There is also an uncertainty about their subsequent fate. Six months later the sheriffs were summoned to bring several of them to London, so that they appear not to have escaped to France, but to have been taken. The next we hear of them is their landing in Wales in 1265. Here again the authorities differ as to whether the truce was made that evening or next day. There are great discrepancies too as to the number of the slain. The most circumstantial accounts give between two and three thousand, besides those of the Londoners who were killed in the flight, perhaps as many more. No nobles of the first rank, and only two on each side of less repute, lost their lives. of the king and others. 282 CHAP. 1264 The Mise arbitrators CHAPTER X. THE GOVERNMENT OF SIMON DE MONTFORT. THE first measure of the Earl of Leicester after the battle of Lewes was to dictate a preliminary edict, declaring the general principles on which the governof Lewes : ment was to be carried on, and sketching out a new appointed: Court of arbitration, to which the principal matters in dispute were to be referred. This document was in the form of a treaty, and is called the Mise or Compromise of Lewes. The text is not preserved, but we have a contemporary abstract,' by which it is seen that the composition of the court was to be of a mixed nature, English and foreign, lay and clerical, with the addition of the Cardinal-Legate Guido.2 These commissioners were to discuss everything but be decided; the fate of the prisoners; their decision needed not to be unanimous, but whatever the majority should determine was to hold good. On some points however it appears the court was not left to decide. king, it was declared, was to rule justly, and without respect of persons; none but Englishmen were to be points to Rish. de Bellis, &c. 37. The The names are given in Rishanger: the Archbishop of Rouen, the Bishop of London, Peter the Chamberlain, and Hugh Despenser. But the authorities differ. CHAP. 1264 other ments. made councillors, high officers, or bailiffs of any sort. The charters were to be confirmed, and precautions to be taken against the abuse of judicial and ministerial power. The king was to be kept under a sort of arrangefinancial tutelage until his debts should be paid, and he should be able to live on his own revenue, without oppression of any one. The Princes Edward and Henry of Almaine were bound over as hostages for the preservation of peace till the arbiters should give their decision. Full indemnity was granted to the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester and their followers. Lastly, the discussion was to be carried on in England, and to be concluded by Easter 1265. Fairness of the Mise, except in the choice of arbiters: The spirit of the edict must be regarded as remarkably just and moderate, when we consider that the fate of war had compelled the royalist party to an unconditional surrender. The only point that has any appearance of unfairness is that of the choice of arbiters. We are not told how they were to be chosen, but it is evident that the defeated side could have had but little voice in their selection. That the cardinal-legate was to join in the discussion is however a proof that their interests were not neglected. According to another account,' the arbiters were to uncertainty be selected by the King of France, from French and on this English prelates and nobles; but much uncertainty on this point prevailed, and it is hardly likely that Simon can so soon have been willing to submit again to the influence of King Louis. The terms dictated to the conquered were all but identical with those proposed before the war; nay, they are at first sight 1 Matt. West. 336. point. CHAP. 1264 The Mise form of govern ment not left to even more moderate, for no part of the Oxford Provisions or the questions under dispute was exempted from arbitration, except the statute as to the exof Lewes pulsion of aliens from all offices of State. But this extreme moderation is rather in appearance than reality. It does not seem that the question of the arbitration, form of government was to be submitted to arbitration; it was impossible to wait, in the present state of confusion, till the verdict should be given. Some form of government was absolutely necessary, and the nature of this could not be left to the decision of so narrow a tribunal. It would of necessity remain with de Montfort to decide what points should be arbitrated on, and what these were we cannot with any but certain certainty say. They would possibly include the exact method of appointing sheriffs and other officers, the general principles of which were laid down in the Ordinance of London; the kings household, a financial committee, and other points not of primary importance, would be touched on. Constitutional questions are in fact omitted in the fragmentary copy of the Mise which we possess; but since the Ordinance of London and the constitution therein adopted were considered to be in accordance with the Mise, we may conclude that the lost portions included some general decrees on this most important point. The the Mise a document was probably intended to allay mens fears, proclama- and to act as an announcement of peace. For this purpeace. pose its moderate and reassuring tone was well adapted, and marks at once the statesmanlike wisdom and the honesty of purpose which distinguished its author. other points: tion of From Lewes the earl, after having deposited his less noble prisoners in safe places, but taking Henry |