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gentlemen were made the corporation-men; and in some of these, persons of other counties, not so much as known in the borough, were named. This was practised in the most avowed manner in Cornwall by the Earl of Bath; who to secure himself the groom of the stole's place, which he held all King Charles's time, put the officers of the guards' names in almost all the charters of that county; which sending up forty-four members, they were for most part so chosen, that the king was sure of their votes on all

occasions.

"These methods were so successful over England, that, when the elections were all returned, the king said, there were not above forty members, but such as he himself wished for. They were neither men of parts nor estates: so there was no hope left, either of working on their understandings, or of making them see their interest, in not giving the king all at once. Most of them were furious and violent, and seemed resolved to recommend themselves to the king by putting every thing in his power, and by ruining all those who had been for the exclusion. Some few had designed to give the king the revenue only from three years to three years. The Earl of Rochester told me, that was what he looked for, though the post he was in made it not so proper for him to move in it. But there was no prospect of any strength in opposing anything that the king should ask of them.

"This gave all thinking men a melancholy prospect. England now seemed lost, unless some happy accident should save it. All people saw the way for packing a parliament now laid open. A new set of charters and corporation-men, if those now named should not continue to be still as compliant as they were at present, was a certain remedy, to which recourse might be easily had. The boroughs of England saw their privileges now wrested out of their hands, and that their elections, which had made them so considerable before, were hereafter to be made as the court should direct so that from henceforth little regard would be had to them; and the usual practices in courting, or rather in corrupting them, would be no longer pursued. Thus all people were alarmed; but few durst speak out, or complain openly."1 We repeat the assertion with which we set out. It is morally impossible that any one having the remotest design to write history faithfully could have mentioned this parliament, and yet have omitted all allusion to events so important both in themselves and in their consequences, as these.

Miss Strickland's very concise account of the proceedings of this

'Burnet, vol. iii. pp. 12-14.

parliament is just as little characterized by regard to truth. The actual proceedings were as follows: "At last the Parliament met. The King, in his speech, repeated that which he had said to the council upon his first accession to the throne. He told them, some might think, the keeping him low would be the surest way to have frequent Parliaments: but they should find the contrary, that the using him well would be the best argument to persuade him to meet them often. This was put in to prevent a motion, which was a little talked of abroad, but none would venture on it within doors, that it was safest to grant the revenue only for a term of years.

"The revenue was granted for life, and every thing else that was asked, with such a profusion, that the house was more forward to give, than the king was to ask to which the king thought fit to put a stop by a message, intimating that he desired no more money that session. And yet this forwardness to give in such a reign was set on by Musgrave and others, who pretended afterwards, when money was asked for just and necessary ends, to be frugal patriots, and to be careful managers of the public treasure.

"As for religion, some began to propose a new and firmer security to it. But all the courtiers ran out into eloquent harangues on that subject, and pressed a vote, that they took the king's word in that matter, and would trust to it; and that this should be signified in an address to him. This would bind the king in point of honour, and gain his heart so entirely, that it would be a tie above all laws whatsoever. And the tide ran so strong that way, that the house went into it without opposition.

"The Lord Preston, who had been for some years envoy in France, was brought over, and set up to be a manager in the House of Commons. He told them, the reputation of the nation was beginning to rise very high all Europe over, under a prince whose name spread terror every where: and, if this was confirmed by the entire confidence of his Parliament, even in the tenderest matters, it would give such a turn to the affairs of Europe, that England would again hold the balance, and their king would be the arbiter of Europe. This was seconded by all the court-flatterers. So, in their address to the king, thanking him for his speech, they told him, they trusted to him so entirely, that they relied on his word, and thought themselves and their religion safe, since he had promised it to them." Of these proceedings Miss Strickland's account is," the Commons voted the usual revenue to his Majesty." The fraud is here so palpable that not a word of exposure will be necessary.

1 Burnet, vol. iii. pp. 30, 31.

In the next event of the reign, the suppression of the rebellions of Monmouth and Argyle, Miss Strictland omits all particulars of the proceedings of Kirk and Jeffries in the western counties. We are again compelled to supply the omission. "The army was kept for some time in the western counties, where both officers and soldiers lived as in an enemy's country, and treated all that were believed to be ill affected to the king with great rudeness and violence.

At

"Kirk, who had commanded long in Tangier, was become so savage by the neighbourhood of the Moors there, that, some days after the battle, he ordered several of the prisoners to be hanged up at Taunton, without so much as the form of law, he and his company looking on from an entertainment they were at. every new health another prisoner was hanged up. And they were so brutal, that observing the shaking of the legs of those whom they hanged, it was said among them, they were dancing; and, upon that, music was called for. This was both so illegal, and so inhuman, that it might have been expected that some notice would have been taken of it: but Kirk was only chid for it. And it was said, that he had a particular order for some military executions: so that he could only be chid for the manner of it.

;

"But, as if this had been nothing, Jefferies was sent the western circuit to try the prisoners. His behaviour was beyond any thing that was ever heard of in a civilized nation. He was perpetually either drunk, or in a rage, liker a fury than the zeal of a judge. He required the prisoners to plead guilty; and, in that case, he gave them some hope of favour, if they gave him no trouble otherwise, he told them, he would execute the letter of the law upon them, in its utmost severity. This made many plead guilty, who had a great defence in law. But he shewed no mercy. He ordered a great many to be hanged up immediately, without allowing them a minute's time to say their prayers. He hanged, in several places, about six hundred persons. The greatest part of these were of the meanest sort, and of no distinction. The impieties with which he treated them, and his behaviour towards some of the nobility and gentry that were well affected, but came and pleaded in favour of some prisoners, would have amazed one, if done by a bashaw in Turkey. England had never known any thing like it. The instances are too many to be reckoned up.

"But that which brought all his excesses to be imputed to the King himself, and to the orders given by him, was that the King had a particular account of all his proceedings writ to him every day. And he took pleasure to relate them in the drawing-room to foreign ministers, and at his table, calling it Jefferies's campaign: speaking of all he had done in a style, that neither became the

majesty, nor the mercifulness of a great prince. Dykeveld was at that time in England, one of the ambassadors whom the States had sent over to congratulate the king's coming to the crown. He told me, that the king talked so often of these things in his hearing, that he wondered to see him break out into those indecencies. And upon Jefferies coming back, he was created a baron, and peer of England: a dignity which, though anciently some judges were raised to it, yet in these later ages, as there was no example of it, so it was thought inconsistent with the character of a judge.

"Two executions were of such an extraordinary nature, that they deserve a more particular recital. The king apprehended that many of the prisoners had got into London, and were concealed there. So he said, those who concealed them were the worst sort of traitors, who endeavoured to preserve such persons to a better time. He had likewise a great mind to find out, among the rich merchants, some who might afford great compositions to save their lives: for though there was much blood shed, there was little booty got to reward those who had served. Upon this the king declared, he would sooner pardon the rebels, than those who harboured them."

"There was in London one Gaunt, a woman that was an Anabaptist, who spent a great part of her life in acts of charity, visiting the jails, and looking after the poor of what persuasion soever they were. One of the rebels found her out and she harboured him in her house, and was looking for an occasion of sending him out of the kingdom. He went about in the night, and came to hear what the king had said. So he, by an unheard-of baseness, went and delivered himself, and accused her that harboured him. She was seized on, and tried. There was no witness to prove that she knew that the person she harboured was a rebel, but he himself: her maid witnessed only, that he was entertained at her house. But, though the crime was her harbouring a traitor, and was proved only by this infamous witness, yet the judge charged the jury to bring her in guilty, pretending that the maid was a second witness, though she knew nothing of that which was the criminal part. She was condemned, and burnt, as the law directs in the case of women convict of treason. She died with a constancy, even to a cheerfulness, that struck all that saw it. She said charity was a part of her religion, as well as faith: this at worst was the feeding an enemy; so she hoped, she had her reward with him, for whose sake she did this service, how unworthy soever the person was, that made so ill a return for it: she rejoiced, that God had honoured her to be the first that suffered by fire in this reign; and that her suffering was a martyrdom for that religion which

was all love. Penn, the quaker, told me he saw her die. She laid the straw about her for burning her speedily; and behaved herself in such a manner, that all the spectators melted in tears.

"The other execution was of a woman of greater quality: the Lady Lisle. Her husband had been a regicide, and was one of Cromwell's lords, and was called the Lord Lisle. He went at the time of the Restoration beyond sea, and lived at Lausanne. But three desperate Irishmen, hoping by such a service to make their fortunes, went thither, and killed him as he was going to church ; and being well mounted, and ill pursued, got into France. His lady was known to be much affected with the king's death, and not easily reconciled to her husband for the share he had in it. She was a woman of great piety and charity. The night after the action, Hicks, a violent preacher among the dissenters, and Nelthorp, came to her house. She knew Hicks, and treated him civilly, not asking from whence they came. But Hicks told what brought them thither; for they had been with the Duke of Monmouth. Upon which she went out of the room immediately, and ordered her chief servant to send an information concerning them to the next justice of peace, and in the mean while to suffer them to make their escape. But, before this could be done, a party came about the house, and took both them and her for harbouring them. Jefferies resolved to make a sacrifice of her; and obtained of the king a promise that he would not pardon her: which the king owned to the Earl of Feversham, when he, upon the offer of £1000 if he could obtain her pardon, went and begged it. So she was brought to her trial. No legal proof was brought, that she knew that they were rebels: the names of the persons found in her house were in no proclamation: so there was no notice given to beware of them. Jefferies affirmed to the jury upon his honour, that the persons had confessed that they had been with the Duke of Monmouth. This was the turning a witness against her, after which he ought not to have judged in the matter. And, though it was insisted on, as a point of law, that, till the persons found in her house were convicted, she could not be found guilty, yet Jefferies charged the jury in a most violent manner to bring her in guilty. All the audience was strangely affected with so unusual a behaviour in a judge. Only the person most concerned, the lady herself, who was then past seventy, was so little moved at it that she fell asleep. The jury brought her in not guilty. But the judge in great fury sent them out again. Yet they brought her in a second time not guilty. Then he seemed as in a transport of rage, and upon that threatened them with an attaint of jury. So they, overcome with fear, brought her in, the third time, guilty.

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